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Copyright 193 3 


/ 

CLAUDIA W. NORVELL 


JAN 15 ISJ9 v 




X 








TEXAS 


BY 

Claudia W. Norvell 

AUTHOR OF 

GEORGE W. SMYTH’S 
HISTORY, ETC. 


/ 

AUTHOR’S EDITION 


PUBLISHED BY 

SOUTHWEST PRESS 

DALLAS, TEXAS 


—~7 


°l 3Bn 


,.r. 


z. 







3d 


















































author’s edition 


©CIA 67084 . 



I WISHED TO DEDICATE THIS STORY 
TO THE HASAINAI CONFEDERACY 
OF INDIANS 5 INNER LIFE, BUT 
SINCE IT HAS PASSED INTO 
YOU, TEXAS 

To You I Dedicate It 





"in the beginning was the 

WORD, AND THE WORD WAS WITH 

GOD, AND THE WORD WAS GOD . . 

AND WITHOUT HIM WAS NOT 

y> 


ANYTHING MADE 



















CONTENTS 


Map of Texas, 17th Century . . Drawn by Erin O’Brien 
1513 to 1819 

PAGE 


Naming of Indians- 1 

El Camino Real Del Rey 

(Today Old San Antonio Road)-...— 1, 13, 38 

The Compact, The Hasainai Confederacy, 

Composed of 16 Tribes, Pronounced Ha-see-ny- 2 

Where They Lived- 2 

Their Government_ 2 

King High Priest Chenesi- 2, 18, 62, 63 

Adae, Capital of Texas--- 2 

Likened to the Egyptians--- 2 

Social Unit, The Government Village, The Neche- 3 

Name Texas Aflame--- 3,26 

Two Ancient Civilizations - 3,2 5 

Signing of the American Independence --— 3 

Meaning of Word "Texas”, Signal of 

Friendship ___ 3, 4,25, 26, 28, 33 

Contributions of the Hasainai Confederacy to 


Our State-- 2, 5, 23, 2 5, 89 

De Lisle, Frenchman- 8 

Fulfillment of a Great and Noble Purpose- 5, 8 

Cannot Separate Giver from the Gift- 6 

Development of Leadership of Chiefs of Tribes -- 6 

Chief Bigote of Head Tribe, Hainai.. 7 

How He Grew and Measured His Relations 

to Whole of Mankind---- 7 

Capitan Grande Bigote, the Grandiloquent, the Mightiest 


Greeting of the Word "Texas”-12, 13 


IX 





























X 


CONTENTS 


Juan Sabeata, an Indian Chief- 1 3 

Cradle of Origin and Beginning of Texas History_ 13 

Their Belief_14, 67 

Coat of Arms_ 14 

Symbolic Relation with Color Blue--- 14 

Father Juan Salas--- 14 

The Mystery Woman in Blue- 1 5 

Mary Caronel of Agreada, Spain_ 15 

The Totem Pole_ 15 

Jesus Maria De Agreada .—- 15 

Father Manzanet_ 15, 16, 19, 22 

Don Diego Penalosa_ 15 

La Salle_ 15 

French Fort___ 1 5 

The Kingdom of the Tehas__ 1 5 

De Leon_._ 16 

Nabedacha, Chief Cachuca_ 16 

Calumet Pipe of Peace-16,21 

Nabedacha Village_16, 17 

Lover of Flowers, Fruits, Fowls, Animals___ 17 

Sanita Ardiva, Famous Indian Woman_ 17 

Beauty Culture_ 17 

Cities of Houses Built 20 Varas High_ 18 

Chief Cachuca’s House_ 18 

Villages on Indian Trail_ 18 

Neche Village, Government Village_ 18,20,22 

The Temple to the Gods_ 18 

The Hainai Village_ 19 

Commanders of French Fort_ 19 

Commanders of Spanish Fort_ 19 

Council of War_ 20 

War Feast_ 20 

Idol, Great Spirit Ayo, Caddie Ay May.. 20 

Calumet of War_ 20 

Council Fires_ 20,21,22 

The Sun Ceremony- 21 

Treaty of Peace_ 21 

A Ceremonial Occasion_21—22 

First Cross Erected in Texas Wilderness_23—2 5 

The First Mission, Francisco De Los Tehas_22—23 

The Barbarian Indians_,..22—23 






















































CONTENTS 


xi 


The Savages_,___ 23 

The Indian Girl Angelina_*_ 23 

Doom of Mission_ 23 

Priests Retraced Steps to Mexico_ 23 

Likened to the Romans_23, 2 5 

Traders Coming In _ 2 3 

St. Denis of Fort Natchitoches_ 24 

Crossed Texas with Passport_ 24 

First Trading Post_ 24 

Nacogdoches Chief. Sanchez_ 2 5 

Sowing Seeds of the World for Empires_ 2 5 

Babtista Mission_ 25 

Hasainai Indians as Co-operators_ 2 5 

Travelers of the World Coming in_ 2 5 

Our Vanished People_25—26 

In the Book of Gold_ 26 

Capitol of Texas, City of Austin_ 26 

A Fitting Monument, Symbolic of Texas, Friends, Peace.— 26 






























COMMENTARY . . . PROCUREMENT 

ON WHAT THE HASAINAI CONFEDERACY OF 
INDIANS CONTRIBUTED TO TEXAS HIS¬ 
TORY FROM 1513 TO 1819 . . . 

CALLED THE TEHAS 

W HEN Christopher Columbus discovered the 
American Continent, he thought he had 
found India, and the people who met him on coming 
to these shores he named Indians. With the American 
lore of this continent, threaded with Indian trails of 
travel, we have only to read of Ponce de Leon in 
April, 1513, landing on the Florida shores, at San 
Augustine and, traveling westward, naming the wid¬ 
est and longest of trails El Camino Real Del Rey; a 
trail connecting famous tribal confederacies, from 
San Augustine to Pensacola, Florida, and Mobile, Ala¬ 
bama; New Orleans, Alexandria, Natchitoches, Louis¬ 
iana; across Texas to San Augustine, Nacogdoches, 
1 




2 


TEXAS 


Crockett, Normangee and San Antonio, to the City 
of Mexico. 

West of the Sabine River, on the Angelina and 
upper Neches, was the Compact, the Hasainai Con¬ 
federacy composed of sixteen tribes, a settled people 
who Lved between the Sabine and Trinity rivers in 
territory now Houston, Angelina, Cherokee, Nacog¬ 
doches and San Augustine counties. They furnished 
the base for international interests of empires, to gee 
control by winning over the Hasainai Confederacy on 
the Texas-Louisiana frontier. 

The Hasainai Confederacy of Indians had a govern¬ 
ment, a civil unit, presided over by a Chief called Cap- 
itan Grande Bigote, a King High Priest Chenesi and 
sixteen tribal chiefs to inflict the penalties, or to settle 
the discords. The capital of Texas—Spanish territory 
—was at Adae Mission in Louisiana, now Robeline, 
La., from 1695 to 1819, when moved to San An¬ 
tonio, Texas. 

Likened to the Egyptians, the Hasainais’ life con¬ 
stituted a touchstone in the experiences of the races, 
in the great world drama unrolling around them. Like 
the Egyptian, the Hasainai Indian knew not where 
he came from; his life was serene, he knew little fear 
or cruelty in his religion. The rivers overflowed their 
banks according to some unknown law. Like the 
Egyptians, he had no lofty mountains to challenge his 
strength, and set him dreaming by the glories of the.r 
cloud-crowned summits. The land and the sea made 
it hard for any enemy to attack his land. As life made 
little demand upon his powers he easily yielded to the 
authority of the King. 


TEXAS 


3 


They had a family life, little talking and a lot of 
listening. God was here as in all history, with His 
changes. The social unit was the Government Con¬ 
federacy of Tribes at the Neche Government village 
of "The Hasainai Confederacy of Indians.” 

The name "Texas” was aflame inborn of the In¬ 
dian’s spirit when Columbus found America, and it 
has been kept bright on this land against the tarnish¬ 
ing touch of time by its fire of a magnanimous life 
of the Hasainai Confederacy of Indians. 

We carry in our hearts today a golden lamp of re¬ 
membrance, connecting again the two ancient civil¬ 
izations within the border of Texas-Louisiana fron¬ 
tier, with the Hasainai Confederacy of Indians and 
Royal Empire, which had a common origin and touch 
with each other in their wanderings. 

With the fighting darkness, the Hasainai Confed¬ 
eracy of Indians’ doom was written, with the pro¬ 
phecy of the signing of the American independence. 

Through custom and practice, the world has come 
to regard words as the expression of thought or ideas, 
either silently or audibly, as they come to mind. 
Words so understood are not always manifested in 
their highest form, for one can not give full expres¬ 
sion to that of which one has but an imperfect con¬ 
ception; one can not give a right expression to that 
of which he has no real knowledge and understand¬ 
ing. Therefore, with the word "Texas,” people have 
produced the wrong impression of the expression, 
that was the signal in the greatest of all things, love 
of fellow-man in bringing forth friendliness and 


4 


TEXAS 


good-will by man lending himself mind, soul and 
body to its fulfillment; by giving all the force and 
energy that he could command through the power of 
the word with which he was endowed. 

For a long while the world has not known the 
meaning of the word "Texas,” nor the people who 
were here when we entered this world. Not being 
satisfied in solving such a question, for the last cen¬ 
tury the problem has been besieged by the best scien¬ 
tific minds, detours in history made to the old coun¬ 
tries of Spain, France and Mexico to look for the 
behavior of these people, as given in the reports to 
the governments of their respective countries by the 
authorized commanders of forts and their mission¬ 
aries. 

In searching the records by the translators, always 
they looked for the attitudes and behavior of these 
people, to see how they acted and reacted, answered 
and behaved, according to a certain meaning. 

As handed down, the world has always believed 
there was a leading idea in the word "Texas”; to 
attach the right meaning they approached the sub¬ 
ject with great caution, so as not to have any prob¬ 
ability of failure to appear in their whole make-up— 
and the question: "What is the meaning of the word 
'Texas’ ”? was solved only by references to the re¬ 
corded experiences. 

In the beginning was the word, and that every 
force and power to become so effective must have a 
channel, or instrument of expression, was self-evident, 
as a great force and invisible power of good-will was 


TEXAS 


5 


back of the expression "Texas,” and to learn its 
meaning was sought. 

The Indian was fundamentally spiritual, and not 
here by mere chance; he must be here for the fulfill¬ 
ment of a great and noble purpose. Living a life, a 
cooperator, traveling their lands along the threaded 
Indian trails in the wildnerness of their country, the 
Caddo or Hasainai, and the American Continent, 
commanding social interest and cooperation by the 
word "Texas,” that went from him, and to him re¬ 
turned, giving to them and the word "Texas” the 
very highest knowledge of goodness and good-will, 
the understanding would permit. 

The answer to this question was: The contribu¬ 
tions of the Hasainai Confederacy of Indians to our 
State is in the naming of Texas, and their cooper- 
at on with mankind, using their creative powers at all 
times, hard put to it for his defense and supply. These 
contributions exist; they are living; they can not 
disappear. We take them up and repeat them 
every day; they are always present, and always living. 
Tied to our horizon is the word "Texas.” In inherited 
localities, towns named of tribes, of rivers, mounds, 
fort sites, ideas, traditions, art. Out of their desire to 
understand and the effort to interpret the meaning of 
beauty, their art was born. Art in maturing of vil¬ 
lages, temples, painting, sculpture, weaving, beading, 
music. A something within which made glad response 
to something without. Their hearts found comfort 
in the clean comradeship of the charms of nature. 

We can not separate the Giver from the Gift. Be- 


6 


TEXAS 


cause these people have contributed, they can not dis¬ 
appear; there is a place for them in human life. Now 
since it is an unwritten law, the logic of life, those 
who have contributed to humanity are fitted to this 
life for cooperation. And since these people func¬ 
tioned correct, normally, and worth while, they are 
equipped for cooperation in our life. There is not a 
better field than our own State: She understands how 
to connect with others, to express herself in a way 
that others can understand. Since America is con¬ 
cerned by the whole of mankind’s history, and has 
written in song and story and granite the history of 
the Indian on its eastern shores, handed down in the 
English language, and since it is my goal to have the 
mightiest people of the great Southwest connected up 
with others, whose history upon this poor earth 
crust has hidden so long in the obscure records and 
languages, until they can now be measured by their 
social characteristics, the primitive functions that de¬ 
veloped the relation of the Indian on this continent, 
that properly cooperated with the whole of mankind. 

Implanted in the nature of the Indian from the 
beginning was his dominion over things, his true na¬ 
ture of self, the right to rule, his life outpictured. 
Living in the "hour that now is,” manifesting the 
actual present, from this intuitive feeling, the Indian 
developed leadership in chiefs of tribes (high priests 
handed down by heredity), using the environment 
as practice ground, and listening to the small voice 
within. From this inner leading were developed the 
mightiest men of ancient America. From the most 


TEXAS 


7 


ancient civilization on this continent, this inherited 
instinct was worked out and achieved by the inher¬ 
ited ability of a member of the Hasainai or Caddoan 
Confederacy of the Great Southwest. 

As Chief Bigote of the head tribe named Hainai of 
the Hasainai, or Caddoan Confederacy, he developed 
a colossal figure, as an individual for himself, or for 
mankind. Those characteristics to help to contribute 
and to cooperate, developed his functions and rela¬ 
tions to the welfare of the whole of mankind. So 
worth while was he for the whole of mankind that 
the nations of France, Spain and Mexico recognized 
his part to be played on this continent in cooperation 
and social interest. They measured this relation to the 
welfare of the whole of mankind by calling the Chief 
Bigote Capitan Grande Bigote. This grandiloquent 
term referred to the greatness of the bearer to com¬ 
memorate some special triumph of the bearer. 

Capitan Grande Bigote was secretive with his title. 
The possession of the name was everywhere zealously 
guarded, and it was considered discourteous, or even 
insulting, to address him directly by it. This reticence 
on the part of the Indian Chief Capitan Grande 
Bigote appears to be due to the fact that every man, 
and everything as well, was supposed to have a real 
name which so perfectly expressed his inmost nature 
as to be practically identical with him. This name 
might long remain unknown to all, as the greeting of 
the word "Texas,” even to its owner, but at some 
critical period in life it was confidentially revealed to 
him. 


8 


TEXAS 


It was on account of this sacred character that the 
Hasainai Indian refused to give the proper designation 
of the word "Texas,” Hasainai, Tehas, and when 
pressed for an answer, asked someone else to speak it. 

This reticence of communication to Father Man- 
zanet and Captain Domingo Ramon, who founded 
the first Texas mission, San Francisco de los Tehas, 
in May, 1690, when Father Manzanet presented to 
the Nabadecha Caddi a baston and a cross, and con¬ 
ferred upon him the title of "Governor” to all his 
Puebloes. This distinction belonging to the Great 
Chief of the Hainai Tribe, and being done under a 
mistaken notion, caused some political disturbance in 
the Confederacy. 

When De Lisle, the Frenchman, in 1690, was ship¬ 
wrecked at Galveston and held captive by the coast 
cannibal tribes, by his courage and fearlessness the 
Hasainai rescued him and took him to Natchitoches, 
the French fort, to his comrade, St. Denis. Hence, 
that is why the Indian is likened to the Romans as 
he wrapped his garments about him, looking and 
listening. 

For many years it was not customary in addressing 
the head Chief Bigote, Capitan Grande Bigote, de¬ 
scriptive of his personal characteristics until after 
the French and the Spanish began the contest for 
possession of this land, to win over the mightiest man 
of the Southwest by decorating him with medals of 
honor and wrapping their flags around him by the 
commanders of the French and Spanish forts was he 
recognized characteristically as Capitan Grande 


TEXAS 


9 


Bigote of the great Hasainai Confederacy of Indians 
of the Southwest. 

The great Hasainai, or Caddoan Confederacy, of 
Texas-Louisiana were related, then living in the 
southwestern territory of the United States, using 
their own environment and government for their 
own attainment, listening to the still, small voice and 
not man-made opinions, having peace, power and 
plenty in their circumstances and conditions, and 
master over them, when Columbus found America 
and when great Indian trails of travel made by co¬ 
operative interests, leading into the Southwest to the 
Compact of the Hasainai, or Caddoan Confederacy, of 
Texas-Louisiana. 

From this time on, with the settlements of the 
eastern shores, we read of the powerful Powhatan, 
Chief of English Virginia Confederacy, Iroquoise and 
many other Eastern Confederacies, down to the com¬ 
ing of the Mayflower. The Indian’s life in the eastern 
United States is well recorded and handed down by 
thousands of concurring observations of the part the 
Indian played and developed on the eastern shores, as 
written by the English writers. 

For the welfare of mankind of the Hasainai, or 
Caddoan Indian, by his inter-social relations with 
others in his environment, only today, since the World 
War, has man been able to speak of clearly, and to 
distinguish what was probable or positive about the 
Caddoan or Hasainai Confederacy of Indians on the 
eastern Texas-Louisiana frontier of the southwestern 


10 


TEXAS 


United States, by the records of Seville, Agreada, 
Spain; Paris, France; and the City of Mexico. 

The ability to cooperate and achieve by him was 
achieved and worked out by the social relations that 
existed between the Indian nations in signing Peace 
Pacts, in Councils of War, or the signing of treaties 
between Royal Empires and the United States. 

"Capitan Grande Bigote.” He was a normal 
man, called to great activity frequently to show his 
power and to confound his enemies. Always express¬ 
ing himself by cooperation through man and nature’s 
elements, listening and looking above and within, 
always listening and looking and moving out on the 
trails and paths to meet mankind, meant social inter¬ 
est and cooperation. The base element of connecting 
with others was the word "Texas,” a greeting mean¬ 
ing "friends,” to connect themselves with others to 
express in a way that others could understand to 
cooperate, to love thy neighbor as friends, allies; to 
stand together. He was sought far and wide on this 
continent in social adjustments and cooperation in. 
war councils, signing of treaty compacts. By his spe¬ 
cial triumphs was he called Capitan Grande Bigote, 

Capitan Grande Bigote gave all he had to right 
and honor for the American Indian and America, 
And does the glorious list of America’s immortalized 
warriors tells a nobler, finer story? Said Chauncey 
Thomas: 

"Greek art and culture did not affect the Romans 
more than the Indian has affected the American, and 
in due time history will so record the fact.” 


TEXAS 


11 


The Hasainai or Caddo Kingdom was upon his 
shoulders, and so, the life of Capitan Grande Bigote 
was worth while, and the Hasainai or Caddoan Con¬ 
federacies, because both were developed for the wel¬ 
fare of mankind; and now we must make it living, 
as their contribution to American history. 

The American Revolution marked the coming of 
the "birth of power, of heat, and electricity,” and 
has been called the parent of our civilization. All of 
these great powers are of celestial origin, all working 
in the quiet of golden sunshine, first the word, then 
perfected, then to pass back into the element from 
which they were built, for other words to come in 
origin and function, toiling for the good of man. 

The Hasainai or Caddoan Indian expressed the 
divine image that was impressed upon the soul "in 
the beginning,” Texas, "friends,” allies, as spoken in 
the ear has been proclaimed from the housetops of 
the world. 



TEXAS 

“Texas” is a word found in the beginning of our 
land. Given us by the "First Race,” our founders, 
the Hasainai Confederacy of Indians, called "Our 
Own Folk,” then living in the esatern part of New 
Spain. 

A greeting to the Goddess addrest was the Indian 
word "Texas;” tied by them to our horizon, when 
the world met them in their shades; and came to 
them in their realm; Friendship was on the Throne I 

The greeting of the Indian word "Texas” was an 
adventure in the friendship with the universe. Its 
melody is typified by the gentle moist breezes, fresh 
warm air, and golden sunlight, by the Indians’ long 
sojourn in this region. 

The inspirer of the word "Texas” was the Indian 
himself; the lamp with his flame. His selfhood within, 
in some unknown heaven, his mighty hope to make 
known to all mankind a friend. 

The word "Texas” issued out of the Indian’s inner 
life, according to what he thought in his heart,— 
"Friends,” allies,—United we stand to the World! 

After the rite was completed and storied the word 
"Texas” was a treasure trove, to the Conquistadors, 
for the resolving of great things. In their musings!— 
Could they guess the secret carried along with the 
Indian? 


12 


TEXAS 


13 


With their Arabian powers to apply enchanted 
visions of earthly riches, glorious in fabulous wealth 
and boundless treasures, they conferred the enchanted 
vision on the word "Texas,” that it meant their 
Kingdom, and so, said so. 

When Juan Sabeata, an Indian Chief, met them 
(the Spaniards) in the early centuries, greeting them 
with "Texas,” meaning "friends,” they felt that it 
was the prophet’s paradise to come. With a purpose 
they flung their flags to the breeze, encircling the 
earth; ships vision-laden, came westward with the 
dreamers as of old; as they passed through this high¬ 
way—El Camino Real Del Rey (today Old San An¬ 
tonio Road), "Texas”—had hewn a new world path 
to the Elysian Temple! 

We would pay today a debt and be discharged. A 
tender grace of a day that is passed and will never 
come back to us again. All Texas reels back into the 
hearts of those vanished people; they pass but shall 
not die. 

Gratitude is the fairest blossom that springs from 
the soul, and the heart of Man knoweth none more 
fragrant. Nature’s self, the matchless ganymede, di¬ 
vinely fair, was there. 

This peopled spot, tramped with the footprints of 
Time, was the cradle of the beginning and origin of 
our Texas history. In those mighty shades, weaving 
their gorgeous tracery above, to those who came with 
the ability to think was shown their Kingdom, built 
by the chainless hearts of Time. 

In the great open and hilly space, between the 
Trinity and Sabine rivers, lived the Barbarian In¬ 
dians, the Hasainai Confederacy of Indians, seeking 


14 


T EX AS 


security and never expansion. Unlike the savages, 
who were nomads that roamed the forests and plains, 
the Hasainai Indians’ habitation was fixed. 

Their belief: Earth’s old progeny hurled low down, 
man coming up from the underworld, bringing in 
one hand a pipe and fire,—in the other, a drum, bow 
and arrow. The woman following with corn and 
pumpkin seed; the corn typifying woman, the Plater; 
the corn,—milk, the Mother. And worshiped all na¬ 
ture, the sun, moon and stars. Their belief: supernal 
Heaven above, and man always ascending, reaching 
up to touch the infinite. 

The Condor, or eagle, the king of birds, was the 
emblem of their coat of arms. The great mystery 
bird they worshiped in the adornment of their king 
and Chief’s headdress (the eagle’s feathers), indicat¬ 
ing leadership. 

In their life there was a symbolic relation with the 
color blue. They carried an angelic vision of a woman 
who came to them years ago, robed and draped in 
blue; always asking for the color blue to bury their 
dead with. 

The guardian Naiad, "the mystery woman in blue,” 
was no less than Mary Caronel of Agreada, Spain 
transported to this strange land by Spain prior to 
1600 for their conversion. The Franciscan priest, 
Father Juan Salas of New Mexico, in 1623 was greet¬ 
ed by an Hasainai Indian Chief with the word 
"Texas.” The Father, on showing him blue cloth, the 
Indian told him that was the color worn by "the 
white woman in blue” when she came to them. These 
Indians always knelt in reverence to the color blue. 

Holding a glint of the Spirit Divine was the totem 


T EX AS 


15 


pole, recording the barbaric life. The cry of the ages. 
What message do these symbols convey? Wooing the 
future, for freedom from death. 

It was Jesus Maria de Agreada who first visited the 
Texas wilds, and who first told of the ancient race,— 
the Titannian, offspring of this land. He instructed 
Father Manzanet, later Father of the Texas Missions, 
"let us go there to these people, and carry the cross 
and rest, if these rebellious have any resting! To suf¬ 
fer, and to do our own strength is equal.” The word 
was sent out, but Spain heeded not the call to come 
with her Mission priests. 

In 1680 Don Diego Penalosa, then Governor of 
Mexico, after many invasions into the Texas wilds, 
and failing to interest Spain in her people, then called 
on Louis the Fourteenth in France. Then La Salle 
landed on Texas soil and built his fort in the name 
of France; led by the friendly Hasainai Indians— 
many times—to their villages, housed, nursed and fed 
by them. Later La Salle met his untimely death by 
his co-mates in trying to reach the friendly Indians 
for their own protection. 

Then Spain was aroused on learning of the French 
fort, and Father Manzanet was sent to make ready 
with "the Kingdom of the Tehas” (meaning Texas) 
for the planting of the missions, and the King in 
their hearts. It was known, no one ever reached the 
"Kingdom of the Texas” unheralded. Inside each In¬ 
dian breast was a human parliament, and their organ 
acoustics were perfect. They heard voices, like Joan 
of Arc of old; a little bird seemed to tell them when 
a traveler was coming down the long, long trails, 
and they would go out to meet them. 


16 


TEXAS 


And so Father Manzanet, with entrada of Mission 
priests, soldiers and workmen, led by De Leon, was 
met at the Navasota River, when Father Manzanet 
presented to the Nabadecha Chief Cachouca, a baston 
and a cross, conferring upon him a mistaken title of 
"Governor of all the Pueblos” that belonged to the 
Hainai Chief Bigote. Rejecting it, then peace was 
made with the Peace Pipe ceremony, and with the 
harangues ended they then crossed the Trinity River 
and entered the first recorded village found, the 
Nabedache, meaning salt, on account of salt being 
found here. 

The Indian drew three circles within a circle, 
pointing to center circle said, "Indian there;” in sec¬ 
ond circle, "White man there;” in third circle, "out 
there nobody knows.” 

"Hark Ye Here!” a voice calling, said Father 
Manzanet. A crier was greeting them (all of the 
villages had a crier). An old warrior holding the 
"pipe of peace,” which he pointed in the direction 
from which the other warriors were approaching, 
heralded the announcement of importance. Hi-Ye- 
Ho! Hi-Ye-Ho! meaning "Hail to the chief who in 
triumph advances.” The old warrier offered them the 
"Peace Pipe.” They stretched out their arms and 
passed the Peace Pipe three times; the fourth time it 
was smoked, everybody exclaiming "Ha-Ho,” mean¬ 
ing "Thank you.” 

What scenes of glory burst and melt away! To 
them all nature was alive with color, strength, mo¬ 
tion. The village built in scattered hamlets of ten 
and fifteen, around a great open court, where lived 
two thousand souls. With the eternal sunshine rest- 


TEXAS 


17 


ing down on their heads, the Indians, with spears, 
bow and arrow were walking around; the women 
with mortar pounding the corn into meal; the chil¬ 
dren with the gentle Indian ponies. Above great 
flocks of black birds peopled the air, following the 
ponies and buffaloes that were stirring up the grass¬ 
hoppers. 

And everywhere were animals enjoying their life. 
The Indian’s human fellowship was not void of sym¬ 
pathy, and their love and friendship were augmented 
by great numbers of animals; magnificent horses, 
jubine dogs with thin-pointed noses, fowls; chickens, 
geese and turkeys. Pan himself said in low whisper¬ 
ings through the trees: "Be thankful thou, for if 
unholy deeds ravish the world: Tranquillity is here.” 
Flowers in endless bloom, pervading all nature, where 
winter ne’er destroyed. 

The men and women of "The Hasainai Confed¬ 
eracy” were dark-skinned, handsome and well pro¬ 
portioned. The men wearing a breech clout, bodies 
covered with red paint and adorned with beads. The 
women with black disheveled hair, were pleasant, and 
they wore chamois dresses embroidered and adorned 
with fringes and beads of various colors, and long, 
smooth bone earrings hung from the lobes of their 
ears. 

A beautiful, famous Indian woman, named "Sanate 
Adiva,” with large black eyes and wearing a yellow 
dress, lived in queenly estate. She had a house with 
many rooms and in her service were a coterie of men 
and women attendants. 

Beauty culture with hair tonics was here. She had 


18 


TEXAS 


five husbands, and all of the tribes brought presents 
to her. 

Cities of houses, built in conical shape, were sur¬ 
rounded by gardens, growing plums, peaches, figs, 
medlars, chestnuts, strawberries, melons, pumpkins, 
and various other fruits; growing two crops of corn 
a year. All was for food, health or pleasure given, and 
spoke in various ways the boundless hand of Heaven. 

The houses were built twenty varas high of stalks, 
thatched with reeds and grass. No windows, only a 
door around which the sunflowers marked the hours 
of the day. In the center of the house the fire was 
never extinguished. On one side were the beds of 
reeds and buffalo skins; on the other were shelves on 
which were arranged baskets, which held corn, beans, 
acorns, nuts. Also earthen jars for food. Over the 
door was a shelf piled high with rocks, for throwing 
and striking. 

In the center of the large open court of the village 
was the assembly, or town house. Around the open 
court of the town hall were the camp fires, their 
means of illumination, built for the purpose of cook¬ 
ing and heating. A league further west was the Chief 
Cachuca’s house. 

The villages from here to the Sabine River along 
the Indian Trail were "The Neche,” "The Hainai,” 
"The Nacogdoche,” "The Ais;” all sixteen tribal vil¬ 
lages living in this locality. 

The Neche village was the second one reached on 
the east side of the Neche River. It was the seat of 
government, where lived King Xenesi, the High 
Priest, and it was the religious village. All of the 
other villages were agricultural. The Temple to the 


TEXAS 


19 


Gods was near, and the fire was kept burning by 
King Xenesi, the Indians believing that if the fire was 
ever extinguished the Kingdom would perish. Here 
they came with their fire sticks to light their village 
fires. The civil authorities, the powers that be, were 
in the height of passion, over some offense of the 
nations and ready for an ill turn, as Father Manzanet 
continued along the Trail filled by Indians coming 
and going. 

The Hainai village was the third village reached, 
on the Angelina River. It was the head tribal village 
of the Confederacy. The Chief, named Bigote, was 
the mediator for the Confederacy between the Indian 
nations and Junta of traders at their trading posts. 

Dressed in apparel distinctive of his position, he 
rode a magnificent steed, decorated with many medals 
of honor, carrying a shield, a spear, and wearing a 
war-bonnet, followed by a cavalcade of Indians. He 
occupied one of the most important keys to the 
southwestern country. He was sought as an inter¬ 
mediary by the French and Spanish Governments, be¬ 
tween Indian nations in questions where treaties were 
solemnized. 

The Commanders of the French and Spanish forts 
made it a solemn ceremony. Before the picture of 
the King of their countries, they wrapped their flag 
around him, and decorated him with large medals of 
honor. He was called "Capitan Grande Bigote” of 
the nations. And how the French and the Spanish 
Governments loved and adored him! 

Father Manzanet, after resting here with his En- 
trada, departed to select a site for the first mission, 
when the soul-stirring war cry of the Indians halted 


20 


TEXAS 


them. At the Government village, the Neche, the 
warriors were all on the warpath against a nation 
that was usurping their land and killing their game. 
The Ambassadors, Chiefs, warriors and tribes were 
all summoned, by messengers with furled banners 
and painted sides, for a Council of War, which was 
held to punish the nation for the disturbing of their 
hunting grounds. 

At the door of the King’s Government house was 
planted a pole on which was placed the "Calumet of 
War.” When the Confederacy Tribes arrived and the 
Council opened, with "Capitan Grande Bigote,” and 
Senate Chiefs, numbering sixteen, the old warriors 
were given the words of command, to go and hunt 
and bring game to the King’s house to have the war 
feast. Away they scurried to herd the buffalo. The 
earth trembled as they bounded along the tracks of 
their domain. The old warriors returned, the women 
prepared the feast. The War Feast lasting seven days, 
in feasting and dancing, before they went to the na¬ 
tion to punish and to victory. The light of the fires 
reflecting a motley rabble of figures, of men, women, 
children and dogs. When the feast was ready, the 
Great Spirit, Ayo-Caddi Ay May, the idol, was in¬ 
voked to make peace with their enemies, or, to make 
them not hurt them. When the feast was over the 
Chiefs and warriors started calling out: "Co-o, Co-o,” 
meaning "get ready,” arid with a war cry they 
mounted their steeds in battle array and went to the 
Nation to declare war, carrying with them "The 
Calumet of War,” but never presents, as that would 
mean to "buy” peace. 

The leader appointed to the war parties was gen- 


TEXAS 


21 


erally a head man of kindred tribes. He decided the 
length of a day’s journey, and where the camp should 
be at night. They camped at night in a circle around 
their Council fires, when a messenger arrived at the 
tribal circle with a piece of tobacco, as a defense 
peace offering against their enemies. 

After the covenant was made, or peace was de¬ 
clared, the "Calumet Pipe of Peace,” made of wood 
adorned with bright feathers of the most beautiful 
birds, was passed to smoke and the pledges were made 
and held sacred. Then appealing to their deeper na¬ 
tures, the start to return was made just before 
sunrise. To the oldest Chieftain, they worshiped the 
rising sun, the beautiful golden glow of the coming 
day. As old men sat waiting for the sunrise from the 
green calm below and the blue quietness above, rose the 
golden fire, when one would light the pipe as the sun 
came over the horizon. The entire tribe stood still 
and silently communed, as the ceremony to the Great 
Spirit began; it was a solemn occasion, as the old 
Chief held the bowl of the pipe in both hands and 
pointed the stem towards the sky, then towards the 
East, South, West, and North, and lastly to Mother 
Earth. This was known as the Sun Ceremony. After 
the appeals were all made, on the altar of their hearts, 
the men smoked again, and the pipe was put away. 
Then the old warriors returned with lighted torches, 
the fire annihilator, signifying peace and bringing 
two buffalo skins, one painted white, signifying "The 
roads are open and free from blood,” the other painted 
with four red crosses, signifying the Treaty of Peace. 

Since the glory died not, and the strife was past, 
it was a ceremonial occasion! A rejoicing for Capitan 


22 


TEXAS 


Grande Bigote and his Treaty. Out in the great open 
courtyard in front of King Xenesi’s Government 
House was a semi-circle of blanketed warriors, squat¬ 
ting around their Council Fires, throwing in salt as 
the flames leaped up. The old warriors came in, in 
courtesy they hung in front of his wigwams their 
trophies of honor, shields, treaties, crosses, war-bon¬ 
nets with added eagle’s feathers. "Capitan Grande 
Bigote” should be Capitan Grande over the nations 
again. 

As a great mark of honor, the tribes carried him to 
a platform, on which were laid mats of reeds, and 
there rubbed and annointed his feet with oil. The 
warriors society had all met and gathered for the 
"Great Chief” to signalize certain young braves by 
designating them. With their bodies painted and dec¬ 
orated with a loin-cloth, with willow wreaths about 
their head, waist, and ankles, the dancers formed in 
line, dancing around the Council Fires, crying Hi- 
Ye-Ho, and blowing whistles made of wing-bones of 
eagles. Accompanying the dancing were large drums 
being played by musicians, at the same time wailing 
a chant, their voices with all force making a rhythm 
within a rhythm. But the melody was hidden by the 
over-powering noise. At the same time the slender 
squaws were swaying and leaping, tricked out in 
many-colored paints, beads and fringes, that shook 
and dangled in the feather dance. 

Father Damain Manzanet having gone to select 
the site for the "First Mission,” Francisco de Los 
Tehas, in the Texas Kingdom, selected a site near San 
Pedro Springs, now in Houston County. 

The Barbarian Indians, the Hasainai Confederacy, 


TEX AS 


23 


flocked to see the hewing and building of the Mission. 
When it was finished the first cross was erected in 
the Texas wilderness. The altar shrine was placed 
and the candles lighted the windows that beamed far 
up the hillside, representing the unknown ministeries 
of life. Behind the light was a soul to whom the light 
shone, and a message to all weary travelers. These 
lighted windows were brotherhood signs. At the sound 
of triumphant praise the Barbarians drew near in 
bewildered state, and were coaxed by the Priests into 
the church. 

But the savages, the unfriendly Indians, the nomads 
of the forest, the Apaches, like an empty wolf in 
hunger prowls, skulked behind the shrub-brush, 
knitted their brows in brooding evil, then silently slunk 
away—the bloody game was begun. 

One little intelligent Indian girl of the Hainai 
tribe, named Angelina, when the Priests began to in¬ 
struct her, yielded herself to God. Then she was taken 
to the Rio Grande Mission Babtista and given ten 
years of instruction. She was quiet, gentle, trained 
as an interpreter by the Franciscan Priests; a zealous 
Christian, an inspired interpreter. On account of her 
gentleness she was called "Little Angel.” The Indian’s 
backward glance was always "Little Angel.” 

Out of the darkness through the resounding winds, 
the savages lifted their hands and bowed to the light 
of the Mission, as all of the air was filled with peace 
to come! It died away. 

They slumbered not, for misery had joined these 
savages in their rage; and with cold, mortal fear they 
filled the forest with their power, and stained the 
sod, and the words of doom were said. 


24 


TEXAS 


After a year—the long hours come and go—it 
wove one long night. As the blue heavens spread out 
before them, the Priests retraced their steps, travel¬ 
ing barefoot, blistering, throughout the months to 
the City of Mexico, leaving earth’s trembling chil¬ 
dren and the blight of human hopes, which they had 
shown and left, a silent path for them. 

After many years, and many appeals from the 
"Tehas,” the Fathers returned and "relighted the 
windows” of the church, and then other Missions 
were built in the Kingdom of the Texas. 

Great things resolved around the Indians there. In 
the kingdom of the Texas, mankind began sowing 
the seeds of the world for vain hatching empires, 
mighty beings who possessed the power of thrones, 
dominions and principalities. The Indians, in them¬ 
selves, were supreme government. As the significance 
of the term Confederacy was a compact. "All” for 
the acts of its inhabitants. 

Though peaceful people, they had many enemies; 
in war, murderous and cruel; and the land of each 
village their freedom of action. Proud in their bear¬ 
ing, presumptuous and audacious as the Romans, they 
drew their garments about them; cold, pausing, cau¬ 
tious, they walked benighted under the mid-day sun, 
insensible to the approaching figures of the sentinels’ 
challenge in man’s breast of "Who comes there.” 
They were the world’s cooperatives in one root, and 
did not know it. 

Traders with packed animals, and trappers walk¬ 
ing, are all coming in. In 1706, St. Denis of Fort 
Natchitoches arrived at the Nacogdoche village and 
started the first trading post. Later, in crossing Texas 


TEXAS 


25 


with his passport to Mexico, with the Nacogdoche 
Chief Sanchez, resting on the Rio Grande at Babtista 
Mission, he landed in the Court of Love, and as a 
result of this soon landed in the prison of Mexico. 

Travelers of the world, with interests that inter¬ 
locked the continents until they "glittered like a 
swarm of fireflies, pronouncing the words "Cabal- 
lado,” "Corral,” "Rieto,” "Gringo,” "Mustang,” are 
now coming in trying to learn about distances and 
designations, and inquiring "Where are we?” and 
"Where is this earth going?” 

The owl hoots. Hark! The victor pealing there; 
the Lone Star is ascending! 

Each went into the Alamo saying "Man’s word 
is God’s; in Man I trust Thee to the Death.” Again 
our strength is renewed like the Eagles. New courage 
brings us a newer vision for a greater Texas. 

Today we recall our "Vanished People,” who gave 
to the State her name "Texas.” As the Romans of 
old had inside each human breast a signal, "Com- 
molita! "Commolita!” United we stand! Your Ally, 
your friend. 

We would again place a cross where the first one 
was placed in the Texas wilderness, lighting the way 
through the darkness. Rome has immortalized the 
"Wolf” throughout her land, which nourished Romu¬ 
lus and its founders. Can not we immortalize the 
Indian who found the name "Texas,” and housed, 
nourished and fed the world? A definite link between 
the ancient civilization of the Southwest and Royal 
Empires, a symbol of communication was the name 
Texas, that was carried on in world-encircling light 
while "The planets in the firmament stood listening.” 


26 


TEXAS 


From the mountains to the sea their influence 
abides like an incense of Arabian myrrh. It spans the 
State like a rainbow from river to river. God’s own 
champions—touched by the Divine accolade. Friendli¬ 
ness was the law of their life. 

God gave the Tehas Indian the signal of friendship 
—peace—love of fellowman, and his immortal pact 
with angels lives and flourishes with immortal youth, 
making God, the Indian and the State one in destiny. 

So, in the turn of a hand in our God’s country, it 
is as though the lover you doubted, turned all at once 
his face towards you, lighted with the fire, unmis¬ 
takably, and you wondered, in your flood of happi¬ 
ness, if you ever did doubt it, and one wonders if 
ever there was melting snow, and cold wind. Life is 
only a moment! 

In the Book of Gold we would inscribe the Tehas 
Indian and write of them as one who loved their 
fellow man. 

The calm hills, fold on fold, drop away to the 
Texas horizon. The city across the River, the dome 
of the Capitol, the old pillared, porticoed house of 
history, peers out from the hill like a big, gentle 
dumb creature, watching, in its old age, its families 
who have fought and come through to peace. 

Along with the salvation of the nation’s peace, we 
would honor as a "peace bringer” to immortality, a 
fitting monument of an Indian, facing the Capitol 
in Austin, at the crossing of the Colorado River, 
where the sunlight he loved can pour itself out in 
full-hearted, golden tide. Dreamily, mystically, smil¬ 
ingly, it would wrap in its arms the figure of the 
Texas Indian, the symbolic sign; Texas—Friends— 
Peace. 


TEXAS 


27 


NOTES 

In 1784 President Jefferson created the American 
Indian Bureau for the preservation of the political, 
social, econojnic and religious customs of the Ameri¬ 
can Indian. 

The following notes are taken from the American 
Bureau of Indians, Library of Congress, and Texas 
Historical Quarterly, as giving the sixteen tribes of 
the Hasainai Confederacy of Indians, with the Cad- 
doan and Kadohadacho of Louisiana related. 

Lather Touejs of Seville, Spain, when lecturing in 
Beaumont on the First Texas Mission, "Francisco De 
Los Tehas,” told me there were sixteen tribes to the 
Hasainai Confederacy. When everything has been 
told, some one still finds more evidence. 


28 


TEXAS 


TEXAS. A name variously applied by writers, but 
most commonly used by the Spaniards, from whom 
French and English writers borrowed it, to designate 
the Hasinai tribes of Angelina and upper Neches val¬ 
leys, Texas. There are many variations from this usage 
in Spanish writings, but nevertheless it is the usual 
one. As a geographical term the name was first ex¬ 
tended from these Hasinai tribes to their immediate 
country, and then gradually to all the territory in¬ 
cluded within the present Texas. 

Among the tribes of E. Texas the word texas 
(texias, thecas?, techan, teysas, techas?, etc., pro¬ 
nounced, there is reason to suspect, as indicated by 
the last spelling) had wide currency before the com¬ 
ing of the Spaniards. Its usual meaning there was 
’'friends,” or, more technically, "allies,” and it was 
used, by the Hasinai at least (to whom the word 
later became fastened as a name), to designate a 
large group of tribes, both Caddoan and others, cus¬ 
tomarily allied against the Apache. The Hasinai seem 
not to have applied the term to themselves as a local 
group name at all. On the other hand, they did use 
it as an everyday form of greeting like "Hello, 
friend!” (Testimony given at the Nabedache village, 
1692, in the Teran Autos, Archivo Gen., Prov. In¬ 
tern., CLXXXII). The Spanish narrowing of the 
term, as a group name, to the Hasinai, is due mainly 
to the historical circumstance that the Hasinai were 
the first of the great group of allies, or texas, whom 
they came to know intimately. They were influenced 
in the first place, however, by an apparent but un¬ 
explained partial narrowing of the term by the In¬ 
dians of W. Texas from whom they first heard it. 


TEXAS 


29 


Just when and how the name Texas first reached 
the Spaniards is uncertain, but it is known, that in 
the 17 th century there grew up in New Spain the 
notion of a "great kingdom of Texas,” coextensive 
and even associated with that of a "Gran Quivira” 
(see Quivira). Passing by earlier notices, the idea is 
well illustrated by a report sent in 1683 to the vice¬ 
roy of New Spain by the Governor of New Mexico. 
Governor Cruzate wrote from El Paso del Norte that 
a Jumano (Tawehash (?) Indian from the mouth of 
the Conchos, called Juan Sabeata, had just come and 
told him of many tribes to the eastward who had 
sent to ask for missionaries. Among them was the 
"Gran Reyno de los Texas,” situated 15 or 16 days’ 
journey from the informant’s home. This populous 
country, which was ruled by a powerful "king,” was 
next-door neighbor to Gran Quivira, so close indeed 
that the people of the two realms visited back and 
forth almost daily. Cruzate asked permission to em¬ 
brace this rare opportunity to send an expedition to 
the interior, adding that he would be highly grati¬ 
fied if, through his efforts, "another New World” 
should be discovered, and "two realms with two more 
crowns” added to the king’s dominions (Cruzate to 
the Viceroy, Oct. 30, 1683, MS). The desired ex¬ 
pedition was sent out in the same year under Do¬ 
mingo de Mendoza, but although it penetrated far 
into the interior (reaching the Colorado near Ballin¬ 
ger), it failed to reach the great kingdom of the 
Texas (Diary of Mendoza, 1683-84, MS). As con¬ 
ceived of by Juan Sabeata, the Jumano, and by Men¬ 
doza, this "kingdom” was apparently localized in¬ 
definitely to some place E. of that reached by the 


30 


TEXAS 


expedition, and applied to settled Indians who prac¬ 
ticed agriculture extensively. 

Massanet, the father of the Texas missions, tells 
us that it was the stories of Gran Quivira and of 
"the kingdoms of Tildas, Theas, and Caburcol,” 
handed down from the mouth of the venerable Maria 
de Jesus de Agreda, that attracted him from Spain 
to the American wilds; and when in 1689 he went 
with De Leon to find La Salle’s establishment he was 
preoccupied with these names and fabulous nations. 
On the way, while still W. of the Hasinai country, 
they were greeted by Indians who proclaimed them¬ 
selves thecas, "friends,” as Massanet understood the 
word, which may or may not be the same as texas. 
E. of the Colorado they were met by the chief of 
the Nabedache, the westernmost of the Hasinai tribes 
and in the next year they established a mission near 
this chief’s village, W. of Neches River. Judging from 
the reports of the then recent La Salle expedition, 
and of most subsequent expeditions, they must have 
heard while there the native group-name Hasinai; 
but both Massanet and De Leon, with preconceived 
notions, it would seem, of a "great kingdom of the 
Texas,” and thinking they had found it, wrote of 
this chief as the "governor,” and of his people as 
the very Texas who had been visited by the venerable 
Maria de Jesus (Massanet, letter, in Tex. Hist. Quar., 
II, 282-312; De Leon, Derrotero 1689, MS. in Mem. 
de Nueva Espana, XXVIII; Derrotero, 1690, MS. in 
Archivo Gen). 

That, from the standpoint of the natives whom 
Massanet had visited, both of these designations were 
misleading, was soon shown by a careful observer. 


TEXAS 


31 


Francisco de Jesus Maria, a missionary left by Massa- 
net among the Nabedache, wrote, after more than a 
year’s residence at his mission, his precious report of 
Aug. 15, 1691. In it he emphatically asserted that 
contrary to prevailing notions, the Indians about him 
did not constitute a kingdom, that the chief called 
’'governor” by the Spaniards was not the head chief, 
and that the correct name of the group of tribes was 
not Texas. Texias, he explained, means "friends,” and 
is a general name applying to a large group of tribes, 
some 50 or more in number, who are customarily 
allied. "The reason why the name is common to all 
is their long-continued friendship. Hence Texias 
meant friends.” The Texias have no king, and not 
even a common government, he continues, but be¬ 
long to various "provinces” or confederacies, with 
four or five tribes each. Hereupon he enumerates 
the tribes comprising the Texias, giving a list (ob¬ 
tained, he says, from the Hasinai and the Kadohada- 
cho) of 48 tribes, exclusive of some of the Hasinai. 
Twenty-one of these were N. and E. of the mission 
from which he wrote. Five of these 21 composed the 
"very large province” of "los Caddodachos.” Eight¬ 
een were to the S. W. and nine to the S. E. One tribe, 
the Chuman, we recognize as the Jumano and the 
Hasinai, for quite different reasons, referred to each 
other as Texas, although neither claimed the name 
for themselves. Continuing, our author tells us that 
the correct name of the confederacy occupying the 
valleys of the upper Neches and the Angelina, 
"which in New Spain they call Texias,” is "Aseney” 
or "Asenay.” 

This explicit statement by Jesus Maria concerning 


32 


TEXAS 


the Hasinai usage of the term Texas or Texias seems 
to be essentially correct, for it is supported by an 
abundance of both positive and negative testimony 
and is contradicted by little or none. Only a small 
portion of this testimony can be included here. 

To begin with, it is significant that the several 
chroniclers of the La Salle expeditions to the tribes 
in question did not once so far as is known, use the 
name Texas in their voluminous reports, but called 
the two main Caddoan groups which they encoun¬ 
tered the Cenis (Hasinai) and (Cadodaquious). This 
difference from the reports of Massanet and De Leon 
is attributed to the fact that the La Salle party were 
ignorant of the Mexican rumors about the "Gran 
Reyno de los Texas.” Of the French explorers who 
reported on the Indians of N. E. Texas after La 
Salle’s expeditions and before St. Denis went to Mexi¬ 
co (1715) none, it is believed, used the name Texas 
for the Hasinai. The list includes Tonti, the Talons 
left by Joutel, Iberville, Bienville, and Penicaut 
(Tonti in French, Hist. Coll. La., I, 74, 1846; the 
Talons in Margry, Dec.., Ill, 610-21, 1878; Iberville 
and Bienville, ibid, Iv, 331, 336, 401, 432-34, 1880; 
Penicaut, ibid., v, 499-502, 1883). 

Returning to positive evidence, Teran, who led the 
first Spanish expedition after that of De Leon, set 
out, as he said, to explore further the "kingdom of 
Texas,” but before he returned he abandoned the 
name Texas, except as an alternative, or as an official 
designation fixed by his instructions. As he ap¬ 
proached the frontier of the Hasinai country he con¬ 
sidered it necessary to explain that "this nation is called 
by the natives Asinay, and Texia, which in their lan- 


TEXAS 


33 


guage means friends;” and after reaching the Neches 
he at least eight times refers to the immediate group 
of tribes as Asinay, but not once does he call them 
Texas (Descripcion y Diaria Demarcacion, in Mem. 
de Nueva Espana, XXVII, 21-71, passim). This is 
enough to show that after he reached the ground his 
conversion from "Texas” to "Hasinai” was complete. 
But there is still stronger evidence. All through the 
voluminous autos of the Teran expedition, "Hasinai” 
is used to the exclusion of Texas as a tribal name. 
Only the usage of Texas is explained. Here several of 
the companions of Teran give, under oath, the opin¬ 
ion that the "Nation Asinay” cannot be the kingdom 
of Texas told of by the venerable Maria de Jesus de 
Agreda. That kingdom must be sought farther N., 
beyond the Kadohadacho. As to the name Texas, they 
declare that "the said nation Asinay in their own 
language call one another, and even us, Texas, which 
means 'friends.* ” The name of the nation is Asinay. 
All these nations commonly use the same word 
"Texas” to call each other friends. This is so well 
understood from having seen it and experienced it 
when, talking with them, they wished to salute with 
"Texas.” (Autos of the Teran expedition, op. cit.). 

One other explanation of what is apparently the 
same word, Texas, deserves especially to be noted, 
because it makes clearer its more technical usage in 
the sense of "allies,” and also reveals the persistence 
of its usage in this sense by the natives during a cen¬ 
tury of contact with French and Spaniards. In 1778 
Atanacio de Mezieres, in his day and section the dean 
of Indian agents, wrote that the best way to bring 
the Comanche to Spanish allegiance would be to at- 


34 


TEXAS 


tach them, in the honorable position of allies, to a 
campaign which he was proposing to make against 
the Apache in company with the principal tribes of 
N. E. Texas; "because,” he explained, "from such a 
custom comes the name of Techan among the natives, 
which suggests (alude 'a) that of commilito (com¬ 
panion in arms), with which the Romans flattered 
themselves, and which results among the Indians in a 
close bond of friendship between those who call 
themselves by it, and in the vulgar opinion that no 
one may break it without fearing and incurring the 
penalty, which perjurers merit” (Letter to Croix, 
Feb. 20, 1778, in Mem. de Nueva Espana, XXVIII, 
235). Mezieres’ customary use of accent marks makes 
it seem probable that the one he puts in Techan is to 
indicate the quality of the vowel, and not stress of 
voice. 

That the name locally applied to the Neches-An- 
gelina group of tribes was Hasinai, or Asinai, there 
seems little room for doubt; and the above explana¬ 
tions of the meaning and usages of Texas, given by 
our best qualified witnesses, are, to say the least, 
probably the most satisfactory we are likely to have. 
The meanings "Land of flowers,” "Paradise,” "tiled 
roofs,” etc., sometimes given for the word, have 
never been even suggested, so far as known, by first¬ 
hand observers. They seem to be fictions of recent 
date. 

Through an erroneous preconception, Texas be¬ 
came the official Spanish designation of the Hasinai 
people and their country. While eyewitnesses con¬ 
tinued to insist that Hasinai was the correct name, 
the authorities in Mexico continued to designate them 


TEXAS 


35 


as the Texas, narrowing the name commonly to the 
Neches-Angelina group, whose most prominent tribes 
were the Nabedache, Nacogdoche, Neche, Hainai, 
Nasoni, and Nadaco (q. v.). Owing to the fact that 
the Hainai were the head tribe of the confederacy, 
Texas was sometimes in later Spanish days, confined 
to it. For the same reasons the name Hasinai was 
sometimes restricted to this tribe. In 1822 Morse 
(rep. to Sec. War. 373) applied the term Texas ex¬ 
clusively to the Nabedache village, which still oc¬ 
cupied its primitive side on the "Nechez, at the junc¬ 
tion of the Bayou St. Pedro.” In 18 34 Col. Almonte 
seems to have applied to all the survivors of the old 
Hasinai group except the Nacogdoches (Noticia 
Estadistica, table 3, 1935). 

Altekas—La Harpe (1716) in French, Hist. Coll. 
La. Ill, 63, 1851. Laousteque—Iberville (1699) in 
Margry, Dec. Iv, 319, 1880. Lastekas—La Harpe 
(1716) in French Hist. Coll. La. Ill, 47, 1851. 
Las Tesas—St. Denis (1716) in Margry, Dec. VI, 
198, 1886. Las Texas—Ibid. 201. Lastikas—La 

Harpe (1716) in French, Hist. Coll. La., Ill, 43, 
1851. Tachees—Brackenridge. Views of La., 81, 1814. 
Tachi—Latham in Trans. Philol. Soc. Lond., 101, 
18 56. Tachies—Sibley, Hist. Sketches, 71, 1806 

(given as name of Hainai). Tackies—Sibley (1805) 
in Am. State Papers, Ind. Aff. I, 721, 1832. Taigas— 
Bollaert in Jour. Ethnol. Soc. Lond., II, Col. 1781. 
Taioux—French, Hist. Coll. La., Ill, 60, 1851. Tayas 
—La Harpe (1719) ibid. 74. Tecas—Linare’s (1716) 
in Margry, Dec. VI, 218, 18 86. Tehas—Bollaert in 
Jour. Ethnol Soc. Lond., II, 280, 18 50. Teias—Cor¬ 
onado (1541) in Smith, Colec. Doc. Fla., 153, 1857. 


TEXAS 


36 

Teisa—Teran (1691) quoted by Brancoft, No. Mex. 
States 1, 392, 1883. Teixa—Ibid. Tejanos—Kennedy, 
Texas, 7, 217, 1841. Tejas—Manzanet (1689) in 
Tex. Hist. Asso. Quar., VIII, 213, 1905. Texas— 
Leon, (1689), ibid. Texia—Charlevoix, New France, 
IV, 80, 1870 (said to mean friends). Teyans—East¬ 
man, Chicora, 62, 18 54 (identified with Apache. 
Teyas—Coronado (1541) in Doc. Ined. XIV, 327, 
1870; Castaneda (ca. 1565) in 14th Rep. B. A. E., 
passim, 1896 (identical). Teyens—Gallatin in Nouv. 
Ann. Voy., 5th s. XXVII, 266, 274, 1851. Teyos— 
Ibid., 266. Yachies—Sibley, Hist. Sketches, 67, 1806. 
Yatchies—Lewis and Clark Jour., 142, 1840. 

Acinay—Tex. St. Arch., Nov. 17, 1763. Ascanis 
*—La Harpe (1719) in conical grass lodge. The semi- 
communal households seem to have been organized on 
the basis of paternal right; but an elder woman served 
as the economic head. An exogamous clan organiza¬ 
tion existed, the details of which are not evident. The 
outlines of the tribal organization are clear. There was 
an hereditary civil caddi (or king) who also had 
priestly functions. He ruled through a council com¬ 
posed largely of elder and distinguished men, and was 
assisted by several grades of administrative func¬ 
tionaries or public servants, such as the canahas and 
the tammas. The latter were messengers and overseers, 
and inflicted the lesser corporal punishments. 

The confederate relations of this tribe with its 
neighbors were more religious than governmental. 
The caddi of the Hainai tribe ranked as head chief of 
the group, but of greater authority than any caddi 
was the head priest, called chenesi, or xinesi, who 
kept the central fire temple, situated on the edge of 


TEXAS 


37 


the Hainai domain. From this temple all the house¬ 
holds of the surrounding tribes kindled their fires, 
directly or indirectly. For lesser religious and social 
functions the Neche and the Hainai tribes (together 
with the Nabedache, perhaps) formed one group, 
while the Nasoni and the Nacogdoche were the lead¬ 
ing tribes of another subgroup for religious purposes 
(see Francisco de Jesus Maria, Relacion, 1691, MS; 
Teran, Descripcion y Diadria Demarcaion, 1691, MS; 
Espinosa Chronica Apostolica, 424, 430, 1746. 

Agriculture, semicommunal in method, was an 
important source of food supply. The chief crops 
raised were corn, beans, sunflowers, melons, cala¬ 
bashes, and tobacco. Besides hunting the deer and 
small game abounding in the vicinity, the Neche 
hunted buffalo in season beyond the Brazos, and bear 
in the forests toward the N. (Francisco de Jesus 
Maria, Relacion; Joutel, Relation, in Margry, Dec., 
Ill, 31 1, 1878; Pena, Diario, 1721, MS; Espinosa, 
Chron. Apostolica, 422. 

Naches—Linares (1716) in Margry, Dec. VI, 217, 
18 86. Naicha—Espinosa, Chronica Apostolica, 430, 
1746. Naichas—Ibid, 424, 425, 430. Nascha—Rep¬ 
resentation of Missionary Fathers, 1716, MS. Necha 
—Francisco de Jesus Maria, Relacion, MS. Nechas— 
Ibid; Rivera, Diario, leg. 2140, 1736; Rivera, Pro- 
yecto, 1728 MS; Pena, Diario of Aguayo’s entrado, 
1721. Neita—Francisco de Jesus Maria, op. cit. 
(probably identical). 

NABEDACHE (Na'bai-da'che), said to be a fruit 
resembling the blackberry. Gatschet says the archaic 
name of the tribe was Nawadische, from witish, 


38 


TEXAS 


"salt”; Joutel (Margry, Dec., Ill, 390, 1878) cor¬ 
roborates this by saying that Naoudiche means "salt,” 
and that the village bearing this name was so called 
because of the salt supply near by). One of the 12 or 
more tribes of the Hasinai, or southern Caddo, con¬ 
federacy. They spoke the common language of the 
group. Their main village stood for a century or more 
3 or 4 leagues W. of Neches River and near Arroyo 
San Pedro, at a site close to the old San Antonio road 
which became known as San Pedro. This name clung 
to the place throughout the 18th century; and seems 
still to cling to it, since San Pedro cr. and the village 
of San Pedro, in Houston County, Tex., are in the same 
general vicinity as old San Pedro. In 1687 a well- 
beaten path led past this village to the Hasinai hunt¬ 
ing grounds beyond the Brazos (Joutel) in Margry, 
Dec., Ill, 325, 326, 332, 1878). It perhaps became 
a part of the later San Antonio road. 

The Nouadische mentioned by Bienville in 1700 
(Margry, Dec., IV, 441, 1881) and the Amediche 
mentioned by La Harpe in 1719 (ibid., vi, 262, 
1886) are clearly the Nabedache of San Pedro. Joutel 
(ibid., Ill, 288, 1878) tells us that the Naodiche 
village, which he passed through some 15 leagues 
N. E. of San Pedro, was allied to the latter, and it 
seems probable that it belonged to the same tribe. 
The Naouydiche mentioned by La Harpe in 1719, 
however, are not so easily identified with the Nabe¬ 
dache, since he associates them a wandering tribe 
which until La Salle’s coming had been at war with 
the Kadohadacho, and on the same page mentions 
the Amediche apparently as a distinct tribe (Margry, 
Dec. VI, 262, 277, 1886). Yet the facts that the 


TEXAS 


39 


great chief of the Naouydiches, of whom La Harpe 
writes, spoke the language of the Nassonites, i.e., 
Caddoan, and that the Nouadiche of Bienville’s ac¬ 
count were the Nabedache, make it probable that 
those of La Harpe’s account were the same people. 
Concerning the Nabedache of San Pedro, always in 
historic times the chief village of the tribe, the infor¬ 
mation is relatively full and satisfactory. They are 
the first Texas tribe of which there is a definite ac¬ 
count, and because of their location on the western 
frontier of the Hasinai group and on the highway 
from Mexico to Louisiana they are frequently men¬ 
tioned during the 18 th century. La Salle passed 
through this village in 1686 on his way to the South¬ 
ern Nasoni, and by "the great Coenis village” of 
Douay’s account of this expedition is meant specific¬ 
ally the Nabedache village W. of Neches River and the 
Neche village just on the other side (Douay in 
French, Hist. Coll. La. IV, 204-205, 1852). Joutel’s 
description of the Cenis (Hasinai) as distinguished 
from the southern Nasoni and the Kadohadacho, is 
based on his sojourn at the Nabedache and Neche vil¬ 
lages (Margry, Dec., Ill, 339-356, 1878); likewise 
Jesus Maria’s invaluable account of the Hasinai was 
written at his mission near the Nabedache village 
(Francisco de Jesus Maria, MS. Relacion, Aug. 15, 
1691). 

The political, social and economic organization, as 
well as the general exterior relations of this tribe, 
were much the same as those of the confederate tribes 
and are described under Neche (q.v.). Joutel, in 
1687, informs us that from the western edge of the 
Nabedache village to the chief’s house it was a "large 


40 


TEXAS 


league” (Margry, Dec.., Ill, 341, 1878). The houses 
on the way were grouped into "hamlets” of from 7 
to 15, and surrounded by fields. Similar "hamlets” 
were scattered all the way to the Neches. In the 
middle of the settlement was a large assembly house, 
or town house (ibid 343), Father Damian Massanet 
(Tex. Hist. Assn. Quar., II, 303, 1899) thus de¬ 
scribed the caddi’s or chief’s house as he saw it in 
1690: "We came to the governor’s house where we 
found a number of Indians—men, women and chil¬ 
dren. The house is built of stakes thatched over with 
grass; it is about 20 varas high, is round, and has no 
windows, daylight entering through the door only; 
this door is like a room door such as we have here 
(in Mexico). In the middle of the house is the fire, 
which is never extinguished by day or by night, and 
over the door on the inner side there is a little mound 
of pebbles very prettily arranged. Ranged around 
one-half of the house, inside, are 10 beds, which con¬ 
sist of a rug made of reeds, laid on 4 forked sticks. 
Over the rug they spread buffalo skins, on which 
they sleep. At the head and foot of the bed is at¬ 
tached another carpet, forming a sort of arch, which, 
lined with a very brilliantly colored piece of reed 
matting, makes what bears some resemblance to a 
very pretty alcove. In the other half of the house, 
where there are no beds, there are some shelves about 
2 varas high, and on them are ranged large round 
baskets made of reeds (in which they keep their corn, 
nuts, acorns, beans, etc.), a row of very large earth¬ 
en pots like our earthen jars . . . and 6 wooden mor¬ 
tars for pounding corn in rainy weather (for when 
it is fair they grind it in the courtyard).” Besides 


TEXAS 


41 


what is learned of Hasinai foods in general we are 
told by Solis, who visited San Pedro in 1768, that the 
Nabedache used a root called tuqui, which was some¬ 
what like the Cuban cassava. They ground it in 
mortars and ate it with bear’s fat, of which they 
were particularly fond. Solis also tells us that resident 
there at this time was an Indian woman of great 
authority, named Sanate Adiva, meaning "great wom¬ 
an,” or "chief woman”; that she lived in a house of 
many rooms; that the other tribes brought her pres¬ 
ents, and that she had 5 husbands and many servants 
(Diario, Mem. de Nueva Espana, XXVII, 280, 281 
MS). 

Though the Nabedache were a peaceable people, 
they had many enemies, and in war they were high- 
spirited and cruel. In 1687 they and the Neche, aid¬ 
ed by some of Joutel’s party, made a successful cam¬ 
paign against the "Canohatinno.” On the return one 
female captive was scalped alive and sent back to her 
people with a challenge (Joutel in Margry, Dec., Ill, 
377, 1878), while another was tortured to death by 
the women (ibid., 378). La Harpe reported that in 
1714 the Nabedache (Amediches) and other Hasinai 
tribes were at war with the lower Natchitoch (ibid., 
VI, 193, 18 86). In 1715 a party of Hasinai, includ¬ 
ing Nabedache, joined St. Denis in an expedition to 
Mexico. On the day a fierce battle was fought near 
San Marcos r. (apparently the Colorado) with 200 
coast Indians, "always their chief enemies” (San 
Denis, Declaracion, 1715, Mem. de Nueva. Espana, 
XXVII, 124 MS). Wars with the Apache were fre¬ 
quent. In 1719 Du Rivage met on Red River a party 
of Naouydiches and other tribes who had just won a 


42 


TEXAS 


victory over this enemy (Margry, Dec., VI, 277, 
1886). Shortly after this, La Harpe was joined near 
the Arkansas by the Naouydiche "great chief” and 
40 warriors (ibid., 286). We are told that the Nabe- 
dache, with other Hasinai, aided the French in 1730 
in their war with the Natchez (Mezieres in Mem. de 
Nueva Espana, XXVIII, 229). Early in the 18th 
century the Nabedache seem generally to have been 
hostile to the Tonkawan tribes; but later, hatred for 
the Apache made them frequently allies, and we now 
hear of the Tonkawans selling Apache captives to 
Nabedache. The possession at San Pedro in 173 5 of 
some captive Apache women secured in this way 
threatened to cause war between the Spaniards and 
the Apache. The Spaniards, to avoid trouble, ran¬ 
somed the women and sent them home (Gov. Barrios 
y Jaregui to the Viceroy, Apr. 17, 1753, MS. Archivo 
General, Historia, 299). In 1791, after fierce warfare 
between the Lipan and the combined northern In¬ 
dians— the Wichita, Hasinai, and Tonkawa — the 
Apache endeavored to secure the aid of the Hasinai 
against the Tonkawa, but Gil Ybaro, Spanish com¬ 
mander at Nacogdoches, prevented it (Ybaro to the 
Governor, Apr. 26, 1791, Bexar Archives, Nacog¬ 
doches, 1758-93 MS). Common hostility toward the 
Apache frequently made the Nabedache and the 
Comanche friends, but this friendship was unstable. 
The military relations of the Nabedache in the 19th 
century have not yet been investigated, but it is 
known that hostility to the Apache continued well 
into that period. 

In May, 1690, Massanet and Capt. Domingo 
Ramon founded the first Texas mission (San Fran- 


TEXAS 


43 


cisco de los Texas) at the Nabedache village, and a 
few months later the second (Santisima Nombre de 
Maria) was planted near by (Jesus Maria, Relacion, 
1691). On May 25, De Leon delivered to the Nabe¬ 
dache caddi, a baston and a cross, and conferred on 
him the title of "governor of all his pueblos” (De 
Leon, Derrotero, 1690). This was done, as Jesus Maria 
clearly shows, under the mistaken notion that the 
Nabedache was the head tribe of the confederacy, and 
its caddi the head chief. These distinctions belonged, 
however, to the Hainai tribe and the great chenesi 
resident there (ibid. 18). This mistake, it is believed, 
caused some political disturbance in the confederacy. 
In 1690-91 an epidemic visited the tribe in common 
with its neighbors (Jesus Maria, Relacion, 1691). 
Trouble fomented by medicinemen and soldiers, soon 
arose between the missionaries and the Indians. In 
1692 the chief, with most of his people, withdrew 
from the mission to the distant "fields” and refused 
to return (Massanet, Ms., 1692). In 1693 the mis¬ 
sion was abandoned (Clark in Tex. Hist. Assn. Quar., 
v., 200-201, 1902), and when restored in 1716 it 
was placed at the Neche village on the other side of 
the river. In 1727 Rivera (Diario, leg. 2093, 1736) 
reported that San Pedro was then occupied by the 
Neche, though formerly by the Nabedache. That the 
Neche had moved to San Pedro is perhaps true; but 
it seems improbable that the Nabedache had left the 
place, for long afterward the inhabitants of it con¬ 
tinued to be called Nahedache (De Soto Bermudez 
docs., 1753, MS. Archivo General, Historia, 299; 
Mezieres, Cartas, 1779). When Solis visited the Nabe¬ 
dache in 1768 their customs were still about as first 


44 


TEXAS 


described, except that they had nearly discarded the 
bow for the firelock, and were very inebriate, due, 
Solis claimed, to French liquor. In the middle of the 
18 th century French influence over the Hasinai 
greatly increased, and Spanish influence declined. In 
1753 the Nabedache took part in a gathering of the 
tribes at the Nadote (Nadaco?) village, in which, it 
was reported, the Indians proposed killing all the 
Spaniards in eastern Texas; but St. Denis, of Natch¬ 
itoches, prevented the attempt (Fr. Calahorra y Sanz, 
Feb. 23, 1753, MS. Archivo General, Historia, 299). 
This situation led to a plan, which failed, to have a 
garrison posted at San Pedro (Barrios y Juaregui to 
the Viceroy, ibid.). In 1778 or 1779 an epidemic 
reduced the population, and Mezieres, writing from 
"San Pedro Nevadachos,” situated apparently just 
where Joutel had found it, reported the number of 
warriors at somewhat more than 160 (Carta, Aug. 
26, 1779, Mem. de Nueva Espana, XXVIII, 241). 
In 1805 Sibley gave the number at 80 men; but 
about 1809 Davenport, who was at Nacogdoches, 
gave it as 100 (Report to Manuel Salcedo, copy dated 
Apr. 24, 1809, in Archivo General, Provincias In- 
ternas, 201). Sibley’s and Davenport’s reports and 
Austin’s map of 1829 all indicate that the tribe had 
moved up Neches r. after 1779 (original Austin map, 
in Secretaria de Fomento, Mexico). From a letter in 
the Bexar Archives it appears that this migration may 
have occurred before 1784 (Neve to Cabello, Bexar 
Archives, Province of Texas, 1781-84). In the 19th 
century the Nabedache shared the fate of the other 
tribes of the Caddo and Hasinai confederacies, and 


TEXAS 


45 


the survivors are now on the (allotted) Wichita res. 
in Oklahoma, but are not separately enumerated. 

NECHE—A Hasinai tribe that, on the coming of 
the Europeans in the latter part of the 17th century, 
lived on Neches River in East Texas. Their main vil¬ 
lage was a league or more east of that stream, nearly 
west of the present city of Nacogdoches and near the 
mounds southwest of Alto, Cherokee County. This 
village was visited by La Salle’s party, and it was 
particularly to it and the Nabedache tribe across the 
stream that Joutel (Margry, Dec., Ill, 336 et seq., 
1878) applied the name of "Cenis,” his rendering of 
the Indian group name Hasinai. This Neche tribe was 
closely allied by language and culture with about a 
dozen southern Caddoan tribes, including the well- 
known Nabedache, Nacogdoche, Hainai, and Nasoni. 
There are strong indications that these southern 
tribes, under the headship of the Hainai, Chief 
Capitan Grande Bigote, formed a subconfederacy 
fairly distinct from the northern group of Caddoan 
tribes, which were under the headship of the Kado- 
hadacho. 

The enemies of the Neche were the common 
enemies of this southern Caddoan group. In 1687 
some members of La Salle’s party went with them in 
a successful campaign against the "Canohatinno.” 
The Yojuanes sometimes invaded the country of the 
Neche and their neighbors; relations with the Bidai 
and Eyeish seem to have been ordinarily unfriendly; 
but chief of all the enemies were the Apache. 

Between the Neche and Nacachau the Queretaran 
friars, in 1716, established San Francisco de los 


4 6 


TEXAS 


Neches mission, and at the same time Ramon 
stationed a garrison there. In 1719 the missionaries, 
fearing a French attack incident to the outbreak of 
war between France and Spain, deserted this as well 
as the other East Texas missions, and left it to be 
plundered by the Indians. In 1721 Governor Aguayo 
rebuilt the mission; but in 1731 it was removed to 
San Antonio, where it was known as San Francisco 
de la Espada (Ramon, Derrotero; Representation by 
the Missionary Fathers, 1716, MS; Pena, Diario; Espi¬ 
nosa, Chronica Apostolica, 418, 153, et seq.). 

The Neche tribe, like all of its neighbors, was in¬ 
significant in numbers. In 1721 Aguayo, while at the 
main Neche village, made presents to 188 men, wom¬ 
en, and children, which was considered an unusually 
"general distribution” of gifts (Pena, Diary of 
Aguayo’s expedition, 1721, MS). The aggregate of 
Indians of this and the neighboring tribes dependent 
on the Neches mission (probably including the Nabe- 
dache, Nacono, Nechaui, and Nacachau) was esti¬ 
mated by Espinosa, former president of the missions, 
at about one thousand (see Francisco de Jesus Maria, 
Relacion; Ramon, Derrotero; Espinosa, Chronica 
Apostolica, 439). This estimate must have had a 
good foundation for the missionaries kept lists of all 
the hamlets and households. If Rivera be correct, it 
would seem that by 1727 part of the Neche tribe had 
moved across the Rio Neches and occupied the 
Nabedache site of San Pedro (Rivera, Diario* leg. 
2140, 1736). Before the end of the 18th century the 
tribe apparently became merged with the Nabedache 
and Hainai tribes, for in the reports of Solis (1767), 


TEXAS 


47 


Barrios (1771), Mezieres (1778-79), and others, it 
was not separately distinguished. 

In its main features the social organization of this 
tribe was similar to that of all the tribes of the group. 
They lived in agricultural hamlets or single house¬ 
holds scattered around a main village. A household 
consisted of several families living in a large conical 
grass lodge. The semicommunal households seem to 
have been organized on the basis of paternal right; 
but an elder woman served as the economic head. An 
exogamous clan organization existed, the details of 
which are not evident. The outlines of the tribal 
organization are clear. There was an hereditary civil 
chief (caddi or caadi) who also had priestly func¬ 
tions. He ruled through a council composed largely 
of elder and distinguished men, and was assisted by 
several grades of administrative functionaries or pub¬ 
lic servants, such as the canahas and the tammas. The 
latter were messengers and overseers, and inflicted the 
lesser corporal punishments. 

The confederate relations of this tribe with its 
neighbors were more religious than governmental. 
The caddi of the Hainai tribe ranked as head chief 
of the group, Capitan Grande Pigote, but of greater 
authority than any caddi was the head priest, called 
chenesi, or xinesi, who kept the central fire temple, 
situated on the edge of the Hainai domain. From this 
temple all the households of the surrounding tribes 
kindled their fires, directly or indirectly. For lesser 
religious and social functions the Neche and the 
Hainai tribes (together with the Nabedache, per¬ 
haps) formed one group, while the Nasoni and the 
Nacogdoche were the leading tribes of another sub- 


48 


TEXAS 


group for religious purposes (see Francisco de Jesus 
Maria, Relacion, 1691, MS; Teran, Description y 
Espinosa, Chronica Apostolica, 424, 430, 1746). 

Agriculture, semicommunal in method, was an im¬ 
portant source of food supply. The chief crops raised 
were corn, beans, sunflowers, melons, calabashes, and 
tobacco. Besides hunting the deer and small game 
abounding in the vicinity, the Neche hunted buffalo 
in season beyond the Brazos, and bear in the forests 
toward the North. (Francisco de Jesus Maria, Re¬ 
lacion, Joutel, Relation, in Margry, Dec. Ill, 311, 
1878; Pena, Diario, 1721, MS; Espinosa, Chron. 
Apostolica, 422). 

HAINAI—A tribe of the Caddo confederacy, 
otherwise known as Inie, or Ioni. After the Spanish 
occupancy their village was situated 3 leagues W. of 
the mission of Nacogdoches, in E. Texas; it contained 
80 warriors, the same number assigned to the Hainai 
by Sibley in 1805, who perhaps obtained his informa¬ 
tion from the same sources. Sibley places their village 
20 m. from Natchitoches, La. In manners, customs, 
and social organization the Hainai do not appear to 
have differed from the other tribes of the Caddo con¬ 
federacy (q. v.), whose subsequent fate they have 
shared. By Sibley and others they are called "Tachies 
or Texas” (see Texas), as if that term applied to 
them particularly. The "great nation called Ayano, 
or Cannohatinno,” according to the narrative of the 
La Salle expedition in 1687, were not the Hainai, as 
has been sometimes supposed, or any tribe at all, 
properly speaking. Ayano, or hayano, is merely the 
Caddo word for "people” while Kano-hatino (q. v.) 


T EX AS 


49 


is the Caddo equivalent for "Red river,” presumably 
the same stream now so called. The Indians simply 
informed the explorer that many people lived on Red 
River, a statement which the French, in their igno¬ 
rance of definite name and synonym of powerful tribe. 

Aenay—Linares (1716) in Margry. Dec. VI, 217, 
1886. Agerones—Davis, Span. Conq. N. Mex., 82 
note, 1869. Ahinai—MS. Census of 1790 in Tex. 
State Archives. Ainais—Carver, Trav., map, 1778. 
Anais—Soc. Geog. Mex., 504, 1869. Annay—Linares 
(1776) in Margry Dec., VI, 218, 1886. Ayanais—* 
Domenech, Deserts N. Am. I, 440, 1860. Ayena!—• 
Gatschet, Greek Migra. Leg., 1, 43, 1884. Ayenis—■ 
Alcedo, Die. Geog. 1, 190, 1786. Ayennis—Char¬ 
levoix, New France Iv, 80 note 1870. Aynais—Mota- 
Padilla, Hist, de la Conquista, 3 84, 1742. Aynays—■ 
Rivera, Diario y Derrotero, leg 2140, 1736. Aynics— 
Burnet (1847) in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1, 239, 
1851). Ayonai—Talon quoted by Gatchet, Karan- 
kawa, Inds. 27, 1891. Hainais—Whipple, Explor. for 
R. R. to Pac. Ill, pt. 3, 76, 1856. Hini—Morse. Rep 
to Sec. War, 373, 1822. Inay—La Harpe (1716) in 
Margry, Dec. VI, 193, 1886. Ini—Latham in Trans. 
Philol. Soc. Lond. 101, 18 56. Inics—Keane in Stan¬ 
ford, Compend., 504, 1878. Inies—Sibley (1805), 
Hist. Sketches, 67, 1806. Innies—Penicault (1701) 
in French Hist. Coll. La., I, 73, note, 1869. Iondes.-—• 
Foote, Tex., 1, 299, 1841. Ionees—Ind. Aff. Rep. 899, 
1846. I-on-i—Sen. Ex. Confid. Doc. 13, 29th Cong., 
2nd Sess. I, 1846. Ionias—Ind. Aff. Rep. 1871, 191, 
1872. Iones—Ind. Aff. Rep. 894, 1845. Ironeyes— 
Edward Hist. Tex., 92, 1836. Ironies—Foote, Tex. I, 
299, 1841. Jonies—Parker, Tex. 213, 1856. Youays 


50 


TEXAS 


—La Harpe (1716) in French, Hist. Coll. La., Ill, 
47, 1851. 

NACOGDOCHE (Na-ko-hodo'tsi)—A tribe of 
the Hasinai confederacy of Texas. It has been said 
that their language differed from that of the Hasinai 
group in general, but there is much evidence to indi¬ 
cate that this is not true. For example, Ramon, who 
founded missions at the Neche, Hainai, Nasoni, and 
Nacogdoche villages in 1716, states in his report that 
"these four missions will comprise from four to five 
thousand persons of both sexes, all of one idiom” 
(Representacion, July 22, 1716. In Mem. de Nueva 
Espana, XXVII, 160 MS). On the same day the mis¬ 
sionaries wrote that the Nacogdoche mission "N.S. de 
Guadalupe ... is awaiting people of the same lan¬ 
guage and customs” as those of the Indians of mis¬ 
sion Concepcion, i.e., the Hainai (ibid., 163). In 
1752 when the governor of Texas was arranging to 
inspect the villages of the Hainai, Nabedache, Nacog¬ 
doche, Nasoni, and Nadote, Antonio Barrera was ap¬ 
pointed interpreter, because he was a person "under¬ 
standing with all perfection the idiom of these In- 
idans,” the implication being that they all spoke a 
single language (Jacinto de Barrios y Juaregui, Oct. 
30, 1752, in Archivo General, Hist., 299, MS). 
Mezieres said that the Nabedache, Nadaco (Ana- 
darko), Hainai, and Nacogdoche spoke the same lan¬ 
guage (letter to Croix, Feb. 20, 1778, Mem. de 
Nueva Espana, XXVIII, 229, MS). Other similar evi¬ 
dence might be cited. 

Their main village at the opening of the 18th 
century and for a long time thereafter was approxi- 


TEXAS 


51 


mately on the site of the modern city of Nacog¬ 
doches, where four Indian mounds existed until re¬ 
cently. This place seems to have been called Nevan- 
tin. The Nacogdoche were mentioned apparently by 
the Gentleman of Elvas in his account of the De Soto 
expedition; but they were first made definitely known 
by Jesus Maria in 1691, who called them the Naza- 
dachotzi, indicated correctly their location, and classi¬ 
fied them as one of the nine Aseney (Hasinai) tribes 
(Relacion, 108 MS). It seems probable that the 
Nacogdoche are distinct from the Aquodocez, with 
whom Penicaut in 1714 said the Assinais were at war 
(Margry, Dec., VI, 193, 1886; see also letter of 
Macartij, Nov. 17, 1763, Nacogdoches Archives, 
MS). Espinosa tells us that the Nasoni, whose main 
village was some 25 m. to the N., were especially 
closely allied with the Nacogdoche, and came to their 
village for some of their principal religious observ¬ 
ances (Chronica Apostolica, I, 425, 1746). 

In July, 1716, the Franciscans of the college at 
Zacatecas established their first Texas mission at the 
main Nacogdoche village for this tribe and the 
Nacao. This mission became the headquarters of the 
president Fray Antonio Margil de Jesus (Espinosa, 
Diario, entries for July 5-8, MS., Archivo General). 
In 1719 the mission, like all the others of E. Texas, 
was abandoned through fear of a French attack, but 
was reestablished in 1721 on the same site (Pena, 
Diaro, Mem. de Nueva Espana, XXVIII, 44, MS). 
The mission continued to exist long after three of its 
neighbors had been removed; but it had very little 
success, and in 1773 it was abandoned. The Spanish 
settlers, who were removed at this time from Adaes, 


52 


TEXAS 


and at whose head was Antonio Gil Ybarbo, were 
allowed to settle on the Trinity, founding in 1774 a 
place which they called Pilar de Bucareli. Early in 
1779 they migrated, without authority, to the site 
of the Nacogdoches mission. The modern city of 
Nacogdoches dates from this time. 

The Nacogdoche were nominally within the Span¬ 
ish jurisdiction, but the French early gained their 
affection through the unlicensed trade which they 
conducted with the Indians. The French supplied 
guns, ammunition, knives, cloth, vermilion, and 
knickknacks, in return for horses, skins, bear’s fat in 
great quantities, corn, beans and Apache captives. 
This trade, particularly that in firearms, was opposed 
by the Spanish officials, and as a result there were 
frequent disputes on the frontier, the Indians some¬ 
times taking one side and sometimes the other. In 
1733, for example, two Nacogdoche chiefs reported 
at Adaes that the French had offered them a large 
reward if they would destroy the Spanish presidio of 
Adaes (Expediente sobre la Campana, etc., 1739, 
Archivo General, Provincias Internas, XXXII, MS). 
The charge was denied, of course, by the French. 
Again, in August, 1750, it was said that the Nacog¬ 
doches mission threatened the life of the missionary, 
Father Calahorra y Sanz, and ordered him to depart 
with all the Spaniards (Testimonio de Autos de Pes- 
quiza sobre Comercio Ylicito, 1751, Bexar Archives, 
Adaes, 1739-55 MS). On the other hand, when in 
1752 a gathering of tribes was held at the Nadote 
village to discuss a plan for attacking all the Spanish 
establishments, the Nacogdoche chief, apparently 
Chacaiauchia, and San Denis both appear in the light 


TEXAS 


53 


of defenders of the Spaniards (Testimony of Cala- 
horra y Sanz in De Soto Bermudez, Report of In¬ 
vestigation, Archivo General Hist., 299, MS). Cha- 
caiauchia, or Sanchez, seems to have retained the 
chieftaincy a long time, for in 1768 Solis tells of be¬ 
ing visited at the mission by Chief Sanchez, a man of 
large following (Diario in Mem. de Nueva Espana, 
XXVII, 282, MS). 

Some data as to the numerical strength of the tribe 
are extant. In 1721, when Aguayo refounded the mis¬ 
sion, he provided clothing for "the chief and all the 
rest,” a total of 390 (Pena, Diario, in Mem. de Nueva 
Espana, XXVII, 44 MS). This may have included 
some Nacao, and, on the other hand, it may not have 
included all of the Nacogdoche tribe. It was reported 
that in 173 3 the two Nacogdoche chiefs mentioned 
above went to the Adaes with 60 warriors (Expedi- 
ente sobre la Campana, 173^, op.dt.). It is not 
known whether the warriors were all Nacogdoche or 
not, but that is the implication. In 1752 De Soto 
Bermudez inspected the Nacogdoche pueblo and re¬ 
ported that it consisted of 11 "rancherias grandes,” 
containing 32 warriors, "besides many youths nearly 
able to hear arms (Rep. of Investigation, 1752, 
Archivo General, Hist., 299). Croix’s list of 1778 
does not include the Nacogdoche, unless they are his 
^Nacogdochitos, a group of 30 families living on the 
Attoyac (Relacion Particular, Archivo General, Prov. 
Intern, 182). According to a census of 1790, on the 
authority of Gatschet, the Nacogdoche were reduced 
to 34 men, 31 women, 27 boys, and 23 girls. Daven¬ 
port, in 1809, reported the Nacogdochitos as com- 


54 


TEXAS 


prising 50 men (Noticia, Archivo General, Prov, 
Intern., 201, MS). 

By 1752 the Nacogdoche pueblo had been removed 
some 3 leagues northward (De Soto Bermudez, op. 
cit.). When this transfer took place is not clear, but 
Mezieres says that they deserted the mission at once 
(Cartha, Aug. 23, 1779, in Mem. de Nueva Espana, 
XXVIII, 225, MS). It seems probable that a con¬ 
siderable part of the Nacogdoche tribe was absorbed 
in the general population at Nacogdoches after the 
settlement of the Spaniards in 1779, for census re¬ 
ports thereafter show a large number of Indians and 
mixed-bloods at that place. After this time the 
remnant of the tribe seems sometimes to appear as 
Nacogdochitos. Morfi, about 1781, located this tribe 
on the Attoyac. In 1809 Davenport, writing from 
Nacogdoches, did not name the Nacogdoches in the 
list of surrounding tribes, but placed the Nacog¬ 
dochitos on the Angelina, 5 leagues N. of Nacog¬ 
doches (Noticia Archivo General, Prov. Intern., 201, 
MS). A Spanish map made between 1795 and 1819 
shows the "Nacodoches” above where Davenport put 
the "Nocogdochitos,” i.e., on the E. side of the 
Angelina about halfway between Nacogdoches and 
Sabine River (MS. Mapa Geografica de las Provincias 
Septentrionales de esta Nueva Espana). 

In habit, ceremony, and social organization the 
Nacogdoche resembled the other tribes of the Hasinai 
confederacy. 

NACONO. One of the tribes of the Hasinai, or 
southern Caddo, confederacy. In 1691 Francisco de 
Jesus Maria (Relacion, 108, MS.) located it S. E. of 


TEXAS 


55 


the Neche and Nebedache tribes. In 1721 the Indians 
of "el Macono,” evidently the same, lived 5 leagues 
from the Neche tribe. In 1716 San Francisco de los 
Texas mission was founded near the Neche and Naca- 
chau villages to minister to these two tribes and to 
the Nebedache and Nacono (Hidalgo, letter, Oct. 6, 
1716, MS., Archivo General). Espinosa, who was 
present at the founding of San Joseph de los Nasones 
Mission, said that it was composed of Nasoni and Na¬ 
cono but the latter were more likely the Nadaco 
(Anadarko). In 1721 Aguayo was visited on the 
Neches River by 100 Indians from el Macono, who 
were still regarded as belonging to San Francisco Mis¬ 
sion. Pena, in his diary of this expedition, makes the 
interesting statement that "their chief, who is also 
chief priest to their idols, is blind. It is presumed that 
after having been chief many years, he put out his 
eyes, according to a custom of the Indians, in order 
to become priest among them” (Diario, Mem. de 
Nueva Espana, XXVIII, 35, MS.). As their names 
disappear thereafter, unless they were the Nacomones 
of Rivera’s list (1727), they were, apparently, like 
numerous other Texan tribes, absorbed by their 
stronger neighbors. 

NASONI. A former tribe of the Caddo confed¬ 
eracy. Their principal village from 1687 to 1752, 
and probably later, was about 27 m. N. of Nacog¬ 
doches, on or near an eastern branch of Angelinar, 
N. E. Texas. They are possibly identical with the 
Nisione of the De Soto narrative of Biedma. They 
are mentioned by Joutel in 1687 and by La Harpe 
in 1719. The Spanish mission of San Jose de los 
Nazories was established among them in 1716, east 


56 


TEXAS 


of upper Angelina River in 1731. Being upon the con¬ 
tested Spanish-French border ground they suffered 
accordingly from disease. They are mentioned in the 
Texas census of 1790, but seem to have disappeared 
as a distinct tribe about the end of the century. In 
customs and religion they resembled their kindred of 
the Caddo confederacy, 

NADSONITES—De la Tour, Map Amerique, 
1779. Nasone—Census of Sept. 16, 1790, in Texas 
State Archives. Nasonis—Barcia, Ensavo, 289, 1723, 
Nasony-—Linares (1716) in Margry, Dec. VI, 217, 
1886, Nasons—Barcia, op. cit. 265. Nasouri—Tonti 
(1690) in French, Hist. Coll, La. I, 73,1846. Nas- 
somtes—Boyd, Ind. Loc. Uames, 70, 1885. Nasson'—- 
Joutel (1687) in Margry, Dec., Ill, 409, 1878. Nas- 
sonians—Hennepin, New Discov., pt. II, 28, 1698. 
Nassonit—Walche, Charte von America, 1805. Nas- 
sonites—La Harpe (1719) in Margry, Dec.. VI, 263, 
1886. Nazone—Texas State Archives, Nov. 17, 1863. 
Nisione—Biedma (1544) in Hakluyt, Soc. Pub. IX, 

197, 1851. Nissohone—Gentl. of Elvas (1557) 
quoted by Shea. Early Voy., 149, 1861. Nissoon—- 
Harris, Voy. and Trav., I, 810, 1705. Nissoone— 
Gentl of Elvas (1667) in French, Hist, Coll. La. II, 

198, 18 50. Noachis—Bancroft, No. Mex. States, 614, 
1886. Nossonis—Hennepin, Discov., Thwaites ed., 
416, 1903. Nozones—Rivera, Diario, leg. 2602, 1736. 
Sassory — Cavelier (1687) quoted by Shea, Early 
Voy., 59, 1861 (possibly identical). 

ANADARKO: (from Nadago, their own name). 
A tribe of the Caddo confederacy whose dialect was 


TEXAS 


57 


spoken by the Kadohadacho, Hainai, and Adai. The 
earliest mention of the people is in the relation of 
Biedma (1544) who writes that Moscoso in 1542 led 
his men during their southward march through a 
province that lay east of the Anadarko. The terri¬ 
tory occupied by the tribe was southwest of the 
Kadohadacho. Their villages were scattered along 
Trinity and Brazos Rivers, Texas, higher up than 
those of the Hainai, and do not seem to have been 
visited so early as theirs by the French. A Spanish 
mission was established among the Anadarko early in 
the 18 th century, but was soon abandoned. La Harpe 
reached an Anadarko village in 1719, and was kindly 
received. The people shared in the general friendli¬ 
ness for the French. During the contentions of the 
latter with the Spaniards and later with the English, 
throughout the 18 th century, the Anadarko suf¬ 
fered greatly. They became embroiled in tribal wars; 
their villages were abandoned; and those who sur¬ 
vived the havoc of war and the new diseases brought 
into the country by the white people were forced 
to seek shelter and safety with their kindred toward 
the northeast. In 1812 a village of 40 men and 200 
souls was reported on Sabine River. The Anadarko 
lived in villages, having fixed habitations similar to 
those of the other tribes of the Caddo confederacy, 
to whom they were evidently also similar in customs, 
beliefs and clan organization. Nothing is known 
definitely of the subdivisions of the tribe, but that 
such existed is probable from the fact that the people 
were scattered over a considerable territory and lived 
in a number of villages. They are now incorporated 
with the Caddo on the allotted Wichita reservation in 


58 


TEXAS 


Oklahoma. The town of Anadarko perpetuates the 
tribal names. 

NAANSI. An extinct tribe, probably Caddoan, 
said by Douay to be numerous in 1687. They were 
allied with the Haqui and Nabiri in a war against 
the Kadohadacho and the Hainai at the time La 
Salle’s party were traveling toward the Mississippi 
after their leader’s death. 

NABEYXA. A former tribe of Texas, mentioned 
as being northeast of the Nabedache by Francisco de 
Jesus Maria, a missionary among the latter tribe, in 
his MS. relation of August, 1691. He included it in 
his list of Texias (allies’). Inasmuch as in the same 
list he mentions the Naviti (apparently the Nabiri), 
the Nabeyxa must have been supposed by him to be 
a different tribe. It was probably Caddoan. 

NABIRI. An extinct village or tribe of Texas, 
possibly Caddoan, mentioned by Douay in 1687 as 
populous and as allied with the Haqui and Naansi 
in a war against the Kadohadacho and the Hainai. 
According to De 1’ Isle’s map of 1707 the people 
then lived north of Washita River in South Arkansas. 
See Douay in Shea, Discov. Miss. Vol., 2nd ed., 221, 
1903. 

NECHAUI. One of the nine tribes mentioned by 
Francisco de Jesus Maria as constituting the Hasinai, 
or southern Caddo confederacy. He described its lo¬ 
cation as S. E. of the Nabedache tribe, and half a 
league from the Nacono (Relacion, 1691, MS). In 


T EX AS 


59 


1721 Pena, in his diary, stated that the Indians of 
el Macono lived 5 leagues from the crossing of the 
Neches at the Neche village (Diario, Mem. de Nueva 
Espana, XXVIII, 36, MS). The Nechaui apparently 
are not mentioned thereafter; they were probably 
absorbed by their neighbors, perhaps the Nabedache. 

MARGRY: Dec, VI, 289, 1886. Asenys—Iberville 
(1699) ibid., IV, 316, 1880. A-Simaes — French, 
Hist. Coll., II, 11, note, 1785. As'mais—Kennedy, 
Repub. Texas, I, 217, 1841. A-Simais — Yoakum, 
Hist. Texas I, 28, note, 1 8 5 5. Asinais—Mesieres 
(1778) quoted by Bancroft, No. Mex. States, I, 661, 
18 86. Asinay—Teran (1691), ibid., 391. Asoni—* 
Barcia, Ensayo, 278, 1723. Asseni—-Charlevoix, New 
France, Iv, 78, 1870. Assinais—-Penicaut (1712) in 
Margry, Dec., V, 499, 1883. Assinay-—La Harpe 
(ca. 1717) in French, Hist. Coll. La., Ill, 48, 1851. 
Assine—Gatschet, Creek Migr. Leg., I, 43, 18 84. As- 
sinnis—Boudinot, Star in the West, 125, 1816. As- 
soni—Joutel (1687) in Margry, Dec., Ill, 311, 1878. 
Assony—Joutel ibid, I, 147, 1846. Assynais—Peni¬ 
caut (1716) in Margry, Dec.. V, 538, 1883. Cenese- 
ans—Boudinot, Star in the West, 126, 1816. Cenesi- 
ans—Hennepin. New Discov. pt. 2, 25, 1698. Cenis 
—Joutel (1687) in Margry, Dec., Ill, 266, 1878. 
Ceries Assonys—French. Hist. Coll. La., II, 11 note 
1875. Cneis—Drake, Bk. Inds. VII, 1848. Coeni—* 
Hennepin, New Discov., map 1698. Coenis — De 
l’Isle, map, 1700. Couis—Morse, N. Am. map 1776 
(misprint). Hasinai—ten Kate, Reisen in N. Am., 
374, 1885 (own home). Iscanis—Bull. Soc. Geog. 
Mex., 504, 1869. Nasoni—For forms of this name, 


60 


TEXAS 


see Nasoni. Senis—Cavelier (1687) quoted by Shea, 
Early Voy., 31, 1861. Tiddoes—Keane in Stanford, 
Compend, Cent, and So. Am., 539, 1878 (same?). 
Yscanes—Tex. State. Arch., Nov. 15, 1785. Yscanis 
—Census of Nacogdoches jurisdiction, ibid, 1790. 

NACACHAU. One of the 9 tribes mentioned in 
a manuscript relation by Francisco de Jesus Maria, 
in 1691, as constituting the Hasinai confederacy in 
Texas. They lived just north of the Neche tribe and 
on the east side of Neches River. In 1716 San Fran¬ 
cisco de los Texas Mission was established, according 
to Ramon, in their village; and, according to one of 
Ramon’s companions, for them, the Neche, the Nabe- 
dache, and the Nacono. The mission soon became 
known as San Francisco de los Neches and the name 
Nacahau disappears, the tribe being absorbed, prob¬ 
ably, by the Neche. 

NACANICHE. Possibly a division of the Nabe- 
dache, a Caddo tribe with whom they were closely 
affiliated, although they were not always at peace 
with the tribes composing the confederacy. They first 
became known to the French about 1690, and ac¬ 
cording to La Harpe their villages in 1719 were 
north of the Hainai. During the disturbances be¬ 
tween the Spaniards and French in the 18 th century 
the Nacaniche seem to have abandoned their more 
northerly villages, and about 1760, to have concen¬ 
trated on Trinity River, near the road leading to 
New Mexico. The tribe was included in the Texas 
census of 1790 as among those which were under 
the jurisdiction of Nacogdoches. The Nacaniche 


TEXAS 


61 


were exposed to the same adverse influences that de¬ 
stroyed so large a part of their kindred. They clung 
to the Nabadache during the trying experiences of 
the first half of the 19th century, and if any survive 
they are with the Caddo on the Wichita reservation 
in Oklahoma. A stream in East Nacogdoches County, 
Texas, preserves their name. 

NACAU. A former tribe of Texas, closely asso¬ 
ciated with the Nacogdoche. They are mentioned in 
1691 by Francisco de Jesus Maria in his manuscript 
list of Texias ("allies”) as northeast of his mission 
among the Nabedache. San Denis, in 1715, gave the 
Nacao, apparently the same, as one of the Hasinai 
or Texas tribes (Declaracion, MS., 1715, in Mem. de 
Nueva Espana, XXVII, 123). In 1716 Nuestra 
Senora de Guadalupe mission was founded for this 
tribe and the Nacogdoche (Francisco Hidalgo and 
Manuel Castellano, letter to Pedro Mesquia, Oct. 6, 
1716, MS. Archivo General). This fact, taken with 
the statement of Jesus Maria, makes it seem probable 
that the tribe lived north of the Nacogdoche. After 
1716 the Nacau seem to disappear from history as an 
independent group; it was perhaps absorbed by the 
Nacogdoche. 

NADAMIN. A tribe or settlement mentioned by 
Joutel in 1687 (Margry, Dec., Ill, 410, 1878) as 
an ally of the Hasinai (Caddo). They probably lived 
at that time in Northeast Texas, near Red River. 

NAKANAWAN. A division of the Caddo. 
Mooney in 14th Rep. B.A.E., 1092, 1896. 


62 


TEXAS 


XINESI. (probably pronounced che-na-se). The 
high-priest of the Hasinai confederacy of East Texas. 
The bonds of this confederacy, which included about 
a dozen tribes, seem to have been rather more re¬ 
ligious than political. The Hainai was regarded as the 
head tribe, and what gave it its prestige was the 
location on its western border, near Angelina River, 
of the chief temple containing the sacred fire, from 
which directly or indirectly all the household fires 
were kindled. For religious purposes there was first 
a sub-grouping of the confederacy. Thus, for ordi¬ 
nary occasions, the Neche and Hainai tribes held 
their ceremonies and festivals together, while the 
Nacogdoche and Nasoni formed another group. But 
many of their religious and social functions included 
the whole confederacy. Such were held at the chief 
fire temple. Presiding over this temple was the head 
priest called the Xinesi, or Chenisi. According to Es¬ 
pinosa, chenesi seems to have been a general term 
meaning priest, yet even he ordinarily restricts the 
name to this head priest. Teran, Jesus Maria, and Mas- 
sanet agree in regarding the Xinesi as the highest in¬ 
dividual authority in the group, but they do not give 
the same view as to the nature of his position. Massa- 
net regarded him as a high priest; Espinosa regarded 
him mainly in this light, but testified that his author¬ 
ity was superior to that of any chief: Jesus Maria 
calls him not only a priest, but also a "little king,” 
and tells of his great authority as a ruler. The de¬ 
tails given as to his functions, however, indicate that 
he was primarily a priest, but that through his per¬ 
sonal dignity and priestly influence he outranked all 
others, and that his word had great authority in 


TEXAS 


6 3 


civil as well as in religious affairs. The Xinesi lived, 
as has been indicated, in the center of the confed¬ 
eracy, near Angelina River, west of Nacogdoches. 
According to Jesus Maria, his office was hereditary, 
and the inference from all circumstances is that it 
was attached to the Hainai tribe. The most important 
duty of the Xinesi was to care for the fire temple 
near his house, and to consult the Coninisi, or ficti¬ 
tious twin boys, by means of which he talked with 
the Great Chief Above. The early writers convey the 
impression that the Xinesi was a person of great dig¬ 
nity, doing no manual labor, and commanding great 
personal respect. He was fed and clothed, we are told, 
by community gifts, to insure which he sometimes 
preyed upon the superstition of his people. At the 
house of each caddi, or civil chief, and of each of the 
other dignitaries, a special seat of honor and bed were 
scrupulously reserved for the use of the Xinesi during 
his visits. (Consult Espinosa, Cronica Apostolica, pt. 

I, 421, 424, 425, 432, 1746; Jesus Maria, Relacion, 
1691, MS.; Massanet, Carta, in Quar.Tex.Hist.Asso., 

II, 305, 312, 1899; Teran, Descripcion y Diaria De- 
marcacion, 1691, in Mem. de Nueva Espana, XXVII, 
48, MS.). 

Caddo (contracted from Ka'dohada'cho, "Caddo 
proper,” "real Caddo,” a leading tribe in the Caddo 
confederacy, extended by the whites to include the 
confederacy). A confederacy of tribes belonging to 
the southern group of the Caddoan linguistic family. 
Their own name is Hasinai, "our own folk.” 

History —According to tribal traditions the lower 
Red River of Louisiana was the early home of the 


6 4 


TEXAS 


Caddo, from which they spread to the N., W., and S. 
Several of the lakes and streams connected with this 
river bear Caddo names, as do some of the counties and 
some of the towns which cover ancient village sites. 
Cabeza de Vaca and his companions in 1535-36 trav¬ 
ersed a portion of the territory occupied by the 
Caddo, and De Soto’s expedition encountered some of 
the tribes of the confederacy in 1540-41, but the 
Texas, or Tehas people did not become known until 
they were met by La Salle and his followers in 1687. 
At that time the Caddo villages were scattered along 
Red River and its tributaries in what are now Louisi¬ 
ana and Arkansas, and also on the banks of the Sabine, 
Neches, Trinity, Brazos, and Colorado Rivers in East 
Texas. The Caddo were not the only occupants of this 
wide territory; other confederacies belonging to the 
same linguistic family also resided there. There were 
also fragments of still older confederacies of the same 
family, some of which still maintained their separate 
existence, while others had joined the then powerful 
Hasinai. These various tribes and confederacies were 
alternately allies and enemies of the Caddo. The native 
population was so divided that at no time could it 
successfully resist the intruding white race. At an 
early date the Caddo obtained horses from the Span¬ 
iards through intermediate tribes. They learned to 
rear these animals, and traded with them as far N. as 
Illinois River. (Shea, Cath. Ch. in Col. Days 559, 
1855). 

During the 18 th century wars in Europe led to 
contention between the Spaniards and the French for 
the territory occupied by the Caddo. The brunt of 
these contentions fell upon the Indians; the trails 


TEXAS 


65 


between tbeir villages became routes for armed 
forces, while the villages were transformed into garri¬ 
soned posts. The Caddo were friendly to the French 
and rendered valuable service, but they suffered 
greatly from contact with the white race. Tribal 
wars were fomented, villages were abandoned, new 
diseases spread havoc among the people, and by the 
close of the century the welcoming attitude of the 
Indians during its early years had changed to one 
of defense and distrust. Several tribes were practically 
extinct, others seriously reduced in numbers and a 
once thrifty and numerous people had become de¬ 
moralized and were more or less wanderers in their 
native land. Franciscan missions had been established 
among some of the tribes early in the century, those 
designed for the Caddo, or Asinais, as they were 
called by the Spaniards, being Purisima Concepcion 
de los Asinais and (for the Hainai) San Francisco de 
los Tejas (q. v.). The segregation policy of the mis¬ 
sionaries tended to weaken tribal relations and un¬ 
fitted the people to cope with the new difficulties 
which confronted them. These missions were trans¬ 
ferred to the Rio San Antonio in 1731. With the 
acquisition of Louisiana by the United States immi¬ 
gration increased and the Caddo were pushed from 
their old haunts. Under their first treaty, in 1835, 
they ceded all their land and agreed to move at their 
own expense beyond the boundaries of the United 
States, never to return and settle as a tribe. The tribes 
living in Louisiana, being thus forced to leave their 
old home, moved S. W. toward their kindred living 
in Texas. At that time the people of Texas were 
contending for independence and no tribe could live 


66 


T EX AS 


at peace with both opposing forces. Public opinion 
was divided as to the treatment of the Indians; one 
party demanded a policy of extermination, the other 
advocated conciliatory methods. In 1843 the gover¬ 
nor of the Republic of Texas sent a commission to 
the tribes of its northern part to fix a line between 
them and the white settlers and to establish three trad¬ 
ing posts; but, as the land laws of the republic did not 
recognize the Indian’s right of occupancy, there was 
no power which could prevent a settler from taking 
land that had been cultivated by an Indian. This con¬ 
dition led to continual difficulties, and these did not 
diminish after the annexation of Texas to the United 
States, as Texas retained control and jurisdiction over 
all its public domain. .Much suffering ensued; the 
fields of peaceable Indians were taken and the natives 
were hunted down. The more warlike tribes made 
reprisals, and bitter feelings were engendered. Im¬ 
migration increased, and the inroads on the buffalo 
herds by the newcomers made scarce the food of the 
Indians. Appeals were sent to the Federal Government, 
and in 1855 a tract near Brazos River was secured and 
a number of Caddo and other Indians were induced to 
colonize under the supervision of Agent Robert S. 
Neighbours. The Indians built houses, tilled fields, 
raised cattle, sent their children to school—lived 
quiet and orderly lives. The Comanche to the W. 
continued to raid upon the settlers, some of whom 
turned indiscriminately upon all Indians. The Caddo 
were the chief sufferers, although they helped the 
state troops to bring the raiders to justice. In 18 59 
a company of white settlers fixed a date for the 
massacre of all the reservation Indians. The Federal 


TEXAS 


67 


Government was again appealed to, and through the 
strenuous efforts of Neighbours the Caddo made a 
forced march for 15 days in the heat of July; men, 
women and children, with the loss of more than half 
of their stock and possessions, reached safely the 
banks of Washita River in Oklahoma, where a reserva¬ 
tion was set apart for them. Neighbours, their friend 
and agent, was killed shortly afterward as a penalty 
for his unswerving friendship to the Indians (Ind. 
Aff. Rep. 1859, 333, 1860). During the Civil War 
the Caddo remained loyal to the Government, taking 
refuge in Kansas, while some went even as far W. as 
Colorado. In 1872 the boundaries of their reservation 
were defined, and in 1902 every man, woman and 
child received an allotment of land under the pro¬ 
visions of the severalty act of 1887, by which they 
became citizens of the United States and subject to 
the laws of Oklahoma. In 1904 they numbered 53 5. 

Missions were started by the Baptists soon after 
the reservation was established, and are still main¬ 
tained. Thomas C. Battey, a Quaker, performed mis¬ 
sionary work among them in 1872. The Episcopalians 
opened a mission in 1881, the Roman Catholics in 
1894. 

Customs and beliefs —In the legend which recounts 
the coming of the Caddo from the underworld it is 
related: "First an old man climbed up, carrying in 
one hand fire and a pipe, and in the other a drum; 
next came his wife with corn and pumpkin seeds.” 
The traditions of the people do not go back to a time 
when they were not cultivators of the soil; their 
fields surrounded their villages and furnished their 
staple food; they were semisedentary in their habits 


68 


TEXAS 


and lived in fixed habitations. Their dwellings were 
conical in shape, made of a framework of poles 
covered with a thatch of grass, and were grouped 
about an open space which served for social and cere¬ 
monial gatherings. Couches covered with mats were 
ranged around the walls inside the house to serve as 
seats by day and beds by night. The fire was built in 
the center. Food was cooked in vessels of pottery, 
and baskets of varying sizes were skilfully made. 
Vegetal fibers were woven, and the cloth was made 
into garments; their mantles, when adorned with 
feathers, were very attractive to the early French 
visitors. Living in the country of the buffalo, that 
animal and others were hunted and the pelts dressed 
and made into clothing for winter use. Besides hav¬ 
ing the usual ornaments for the arms, neck and ears, 
the Caddo bored the nasal septum and inserted a 
ring as a face decoration—a custom noted in the 
name, meaning "pierced nose,” given the Caddo by 
the Kiowa and other unrelated tribes, and designated 
in the sign language of the plains. Tattooing was 
practiced. Descent was traced through the mother. 
Chieftainship was hereditary, as was the custody of 
certain sacred articles used in religious ceremonies. 
These ceremonies were connectd with the cultivation 
of maiz, the seeking of game, and the desire for long 
life, health, peace, and prosperty, and were conducted 
by priests who were versed in the rites and who led 
the accompanying rituals and songs. According to 
Caddo belief all natural forms were animate and ca¬ 
pable of rendering assistance to man. Fasting, prayer, 
and occasional sacrifices were observed; life was 
thought to continue after death, and kinship groups 



TEXAS 


69 


were supposed to be reunited in the spirit world. 
Truthfulness, honesty, and hospitality were incul¬ 
cated, and just dealing was esteemed a virtue. 

Divisions and totems —How many tribes were 
formerly included in the Caddo confederacy can not 
now be determined. Owing to the vicissitudes of the 
last three centuries only a remnant of the Caddo 
survive, and the memory of much of their organiza¬ 
tion is lost. In 1699 Iberville obtained from his 
Taensa Indian guide a list of 8 divisions; Linares in 
1716 gave the names of 11; Gatschet (Creek Migra. 
Leg., i, 43, 1884) procured from a Caddo Indian in 
1882 the names of 12 divisions, and the list was re¬ 
vised in 1896, by Mooney, as follows: (1) Kadaha- 
dacho, (2) Hainai, (3) Anadarko, (4) Nabedache, 
(5) Nacogdoches, (6) Natchitoches, (7) Yatasi, 
(8) Adai, (9) Eyeish, (10) Nakanawan, (11) Ima- 
ha, a small band of Kwapa, (12) Yowani, a band 
of Choctaw (Mooney in 14th Rep. B.A.E., 1092, 
1896). Of these names the first nine are found under 
varying forms in the lists of 1699 and 1716. The 
native name of the confederacy, Hasinai is said to 
belong more properly to the first three divisions, which 
may be significant of their prominence at the time 
when the confederacy was overlapping and absorbing 
members of older organizations, and as these divisions 
speak similar dialects, the name may be that which 
designated a still older organization. The following 
tribes, now extinct, probably belonged to the Caddo 
confederacy: Doustionis, Nacaniche, Nanatsoho, and 
Nasoni (?). The villages of Campti, Choye, and 
Natasi were probably occupied by subdivisions of the 
confederated tribes. 


70 


TEXAS 


Each division of the confederacy was subdivided, 
and each of these subtribes had its totem, its village, 
its hereditary chieftain, its priests and ceremonies, and 
its part in the ceremonies common to the confed¬ 
eracy. The present clans, according to Mooney, are 
recognized as belonging to the whole Caddo people 
and in old times were probably the chief bond that 
held the confederacy together. See Nasoni. 

Kadohadacho (Ka'dohada'cho, "real Caddo,” 
"Caddo proper”) .A tribe of the Caddo Confederacy,” 
sometimes confused with the confederacy itself. Their 
dialect is closely allied to that of the Hainai and Ana- 
darko, and is one of the two dialects dominant to-day 
among the remnant of the confederacy. 

The Kadohadacho seem to have developed, as a 
tribe, on Red River of Louisiana and in its immediate 
vicinity, and not to have migrated with their kindred 
to any distance either N. or S. Their first knowledge 
of the white race was in 1541 when De Soto and his 
followers stayed with some of the subtribes on 
Washita River and near the Mississippi. The Spaniards 
never penetrated during the 16th and 17th centuries 
to their villages in the lake region of N. W. Louisi¬ 
ana but the people came in contact with Spanish 
soldiers and settlers from the W. by joining the war 
parties of other tribes. Various articles of European 
manufacture were brought home as trophies of war. 
The tribe was not unfamiliar with horses, but had 
not come into possession of firearms when the sur¬ 
vivors of La Salle’s party visited them on their way 
N. in 1687. Lor nearly two years La Salle had previ¬ 
ous direct relations with tribes of the Caddo con¬ 
federacy who were living in what is now Texas, so 


TEXAS 


71 


that when the approach of the French was reported 
the visitors were regarded as friends rather than as 
strangers. The chief of the Kadohadacho, with his 
warriors, taking the calumet, went a league to meet 
the travelers, and escorted them with marks of honor 
to the village on Red River. On arrival, "the women,” 
says Douay, "as is their wont, washed our heads and 
feet in warm water and then placed us on a plat¬ 
form covered with very neat white mats. Then fol¬ 
lowed banquets, the calumet dance, and other re¬ 
joicing day and night.” The friendly relations then 
begun with the French were never abandoned. A 
trading post was established and a flour mill built at 
their village by the French early in the 18th century, 
but both were given up in a few years owing to the 
unsettled state of affairs between the Spaniards and 
the French. These disturbances, added to the enmity 
of tribes who were being pushed from their homes 
by the increasing number of white settlers, together 
with the introduction of new diseases, particularly 
smallpox and measles, brought about much distress 
and a great reduction in the population. During the 
last quarter of the 18 th century the Kadohadacho 
abandoned their villages in the vicinity of the lakes 
in N. W. Louisiana, descended the river, and settled 
not far from their kindred, the Nachitoches. By the 
beginning of the 19th century their importance as a 
distinct tribe was at an end; the people became 
merged with the other tribes of the confederacy and 
shared their misfortune. In customs and ceremonies 
they resembled the other Caddo tribes. 

Trading posts —The earliest trade between Euro¬ 
peans and the Indians N. of Mexico was through the 


72 


TEXAS 


Basque people. These daring sailors by following the 
whale reached the fishing banks of Newfoundland at 
an early period. In 1497 Cabot touched upon that 
island and noted its "bigge fysshe.” He was told by 
the natives that they were called baccalaos, the 
Basque for "codfish,” and he gave that name to 
Canada. The word still lingers in Newfoundland as 
the designation of an island north of Conception bay. 
When Bretons, Normans, Portuguese, Spaniards, and 
Englishmen made their way to these fisheries, the 
Basques, who preceded them, had to a degree familiar¬ 
ized the natives with their tongue, and Basque words 
became a part of the trade jargon that came into use. 
Cartier, in 1534-35, found the natives of the gulf 
and river of St. Lawrence familiar with the European 
fur trade, and certain places on that stream were 
known to both races as points for the drying of fish 
and the trading of furs. The traffic spread to the 
southward, and from a letter of Pedro Menendez to 
Philip II is learned that in 1565 and for some years 
earlier "bison skins were brought down the Potomac 
and thence carried along shore in canoes to the 
French about the Gulf of St. Lawrence. During two 
years 6,000 skins were thus obtained.” The first trad¬ 
ing post in 1603 was at Tadousac, on the St. Law¬ 
rence at the mouth of the Saguenay, five years later 
Quebec was founded, and in 1611 Montreal was made 
the trading post for all the region westward. The 
earliest English post was with the colony on James 
River, Virginia, where pelts and corn were traded, and 
in 1616, when some needy tribes came to purchase 
maize, Sir Thomas Dale, took, in repayment thereof, 
"a mortgage of their whole countries.” In 1615, six 


TEXAS 


73 


years after the navigation by Hudson of the river 
which bears his name, the Dutch built a large post 
at Albany. For the next 50 years the eastern colonies 
made no special attempt to penetrate the interior of 
the continent, but in 1673 Canada authorized the 
movement by which Priest Marquette and the 
trader Joliet discovered the Mississippi. Meanwhile 
individual traders had traveled beyond the Great 
Lakes, and Groseilliers and Radisson, French traders, 
had found that Hudson bay could be reached over¬ 
land. The failure of the French Government to award 
to these men the right to trade and to establish a 
post on the bay caused them to apply to England, 
in which they were successful, and in 1668 Ft. 
Charles was built at the Southeastern extremity of 
Hudson Bay. The success of this post led to the for¬ 
mation of the monopoly called "The Governor and 
Company of Adventurers of England trading into 
Hudson’s Bay.” Their successors, a hundred years 
later, in 1670, were incorporated by royal charter as 
The Hudson’s Bay Company, with "absolute pro¬ 
prietorship, supreme jurisdiction in civil and military 
affairs, to make laws, and to declare war against 
pagan peoples.” For more than half a century the 
posts of this company controlled the trade and ad¬ 
ministered whatever of law there existed in the vast 
regions N. and W. of the Lakes to the Pacific. In 
168 5 La Salle landed on the coast of Texas, opening 
the way for French trading enterprises on the lower 
Mississippi and its tributaries, and for the establish¬ 
ment of colonies in that region under the control of 
commanders of the posts; followed St. Denis, 1700 at 
Nacogdoches, Texas, the first trading post in Texas. 


74 


TEXAS 


French trade during the 17th and 18 th centuries 
developed a class of men known as courreurs des bois, 
who made themselves at home with the natives. These 
were the advance guard of civilization, and later 
served as interpreters, clerks, etc., to the Hudson’s 
Bay, Northwest, American Fur, and other less im¬ 
portant companies engaged in Indian trade up to the 
middle of the 19th century. 

The trading post was generally a large square in¬ 
closed by a stockade; diagonally at two corners were 
turrets, with openings for small cannon and rifles in 
each turret so as to defend two sides of the wall. 
Within the stockade were the storehouses, quarters 
for the men, and a room for general trade. 

In Virginia beads early became the "current coin” 
in trade with the Indians, and in 1621 Capt. Norton 
was sent over with some Italian workmen to estab¬ 
lish a glass furnace for the manufacture of these 
articles. In 1640 and 1643 wampum (q. v.) was 
made legal tender in New England and was extensive¬ 
ly used in trading with the Indians. During the next 
century trade was mostly by barter or in the cur¬ 
rency of the colonies of the Government. The em¬ 
ployment of liquor to stimulate trade began with the 
earliest venture and was more and more used as trade 
increased. The earnest protests of Indian chiefs and 
leaders and of philanthropic persons of the white race 
were of no avail, and not until the United States 
Government prohibited the sale of intoxicants was 
there any stay to the demoralizing custom. Smuggling 
of alcohol was resorted to, for the companies de¬ 
clared that "without liquor we can not compete in 
trade.” To protect the Indians from the evil effects 


TEXAS 


75 


of intoxicants and to insure them a fair return for 
their pelts, at the suggestion of President Washing¬ 
ton, the act of Apr. 18, 1796, authorized the estab¬ 
lishment of trading houses under the immediate direc¬ 
tion of the President. In 1806 the office of Super¬ 
intendent of Indian Trade was created, with head¬ 
quarters at Georgetown, D. C. In 1810 the following 
list of trading houses was furnished the chairman 
of the Senate committee on Indian Affairs: "At 
Coleraine, on the river St. Marys, Ga.; at Telico 
blockhouse, Southwestern territory; at Ft. St. Stevens, 
on the Mobile, Mississippi T.; at Chickasaw Bluffs, 
on the Mississippi, Mississippi T.; at Ft. Wayne, on 
the Miami of the Lakes, Indiana T.; at Detroit, 
Michigan T; at Akansas, on the river Akansas, Louisi¬ 
ana T.; at Nachitoches, on the Red River; Nacog¬ 
doches, Texas, on old San Antonio road, Orleans T.; at 
Belle Fontaine, mouth of the Missouri, Louisiana T.; at 
Chicago, on L. Michigan, Indiana T.; at Sandusky, 
L. Erie, Ohio; at the island of Michilimackinac, L. 
Huron, Michigan T.; at Ft. Osage, on the Missouri, 
Louisiana T.; at Ft. Madison on the upper Mississippi, 
Louisiana T.” At that time there were few factories 
in the country where goods required for the Indian 
trade could be made, and as the Government houses 
were restricted to articles of domestic manufacture 
their trade was at a disadvantage, notwithstanding 
their goods were offered at about cost price, for the 
Indian preferred the better quality of English cloth 
and the surreptitiously supplied liquor. Finally the 
opposition of private traders secured the passage of 
the act of May 6, 1882, abolishing the Government 
trading houses, and thus "a system fraught with 


76 


TEXAS 


possibilities of great good to the Indian” came to an 
end. The official records show that until near the 
close of its career, in spite of the obstacles it had to 
contend with and the losses growing out of the war 
of 1812, the Government trade was self-sustaining. 
From colonial days and until the decline of the fur 
trade, near the middle of the 19th century, wars, in 
which both Indians and the white race were impli¬ 
cated, were fomented by the rivalry of competing 
traders. Posts were scattered along the rivers from the 
Great Lakes to the Pacific. Montreal and St. Louis 
were the two great outfitting centers as well as the 
distributing markets for the furs. Where Kansas City 
now stands the traders bound up the Missouri by 
boat and those who were going overland parted com¬ 
pany. Here the great Oregon trail started and 
stretched, a brown ribbon, across hundreds of m les 
of prairie. Forty-one miles to the westward, near the 
present town of Gardner, Kans., this trail branched 
to Santa Fe, where trade was maintained with the 
Pueblos and other Indians of the S. W. A sign-board 
set up at the parting of the trail indicated the long 
western branch as the "Road to Oregon.” Along this 
historic road trading posts were located, to which 
white and Indian trappers and hunters from the sur¬ 
rounding region brought their pelts. Fts. Laramie, 
Bridger, Hall, Boise, Walla Walla, Vancouver, and As¬ 
toria have now become cities. So also have the princi¬ 
pal posts along the lakes and rivers, Detroit, Prairie 
du Chien, Council Bluffs, Pierre, Mandan, Spokane, 
Winnipeg, and many others, all of which are now 
centers of rich agricultural regions. In recent years 
steps have been taken to mark some of the old routes 


TEXAS 


77 


with suitable monuments. (See also Commerce, Fur 
Trade, Trails, and Trade Routes). 

CALUMET—(Norman-French form of literary 
French Chalumet , a parallel of chalumeau for cbale- 
meaiiy Old French cbalemel, Provencal caramel , a 
tube, pipe, reed, flute, especially a shepherd’s pipe; 
Spanish caramillo, a flute; English, shawn; Low Latin, 
calamellus, diminutive of Latin calamus, reed). Either 
one of the 2 highly symbolic shafts of reed or wood 
about 2 inches broad, % inch thick, and 18 inches 
to 4 feet long, the one representing the male, the 
other the female shaft, usually perforated for a path¬ 
way for the breath or spirit, painted with diverse 
symbolic colors and adorned with various symbolic 
objects, and which may or may not have a pipe bowl 
to contain tobacco for making a sacred offering of its 
benevolent smoke to the gods. In modern usage the 
term usually includes the pipe. Its coloring and degree 
of adornment varied somewhat from tribe to tribe 
and were largely governed by the occasion for which 
the calumet was used. From the meager descriptions 
of the calumet and its uses it would seem that it has 
a ceremonially symbolic history independent of that 
of the pipe; and that when the pipe became an altar, 
by its employment for burning sacrificial tobacco to 
the gods, convenience and convention united the 
already highly symbolic calumet shafts and the sacri¬ 
ficial tobacco altar, the pipebowl; hence it became 
one of the most profoundly sacred objects known to 
the Indians of northern America. As the colors and 
the other adornments on the shaft represent sym¬ 
bolically various dominant gods of the Indian poly- 


78 


TEXAS 


theon, it follows that the symbolism of the calumet 
and pipe represented a veritable executive council 
of the gods. Moreover, in some of the elaborate cere¬ 
monies in which it was necessary to portray this sym¬ 
bolism the employment of the two shafts became 
necessary, because the one with its colors and acces¬ 
sory adornments represented the procreative male 
power and his aids, and was denominated the male, 
the fatherhood of nature; and the other with its 
colors and necessary adornments represented the re¬ 
productive female power and her aids, and was de¬ 
nominated the female, the motherhood of nature. 

The calumet was employed by ambassadors and 
travelers as a passport; it was used in ceremonies 
designed to conciliate foreign and hostile nations and 
to conclude lasting peace; to ratify the alliance of 
friendly tribes; to secure favorable weather for 
journeys; to bring needed rain; and to attest con¬ 
tracts and treaties which could not be violated with¬ 
out incurring the wrath of the gods. The use of the 
calumet was inculcated by religious precept and ex¬ 
ample. A chant and a dance have become known as 
the chant and the dance of the calumet; together 
they were employed as an invocation to one or more 
of the gods. By naming in the chant the souls of 
those against whom war must be waged, such per¬ 
sons were doomed to die at the hands of the person 
so naming them. The dance and the chant were 
rather in honor of the calumet than with the calu¬ 
met. To smoke it was prohibited to a man whose wife 
was with child, lest he perish and she die in child¬ 
birth. The calumet was employed also in banishing 
evil and for obtaining good. Some, in order to obtain 


T EX AS 


79 


favor of the gods, sacrificed some animals in spirit 
to them, and, as the visible food was not consumed 
visibly by the gods, they ate the food and chanted 
and danced for the calumet. 



THE END 
















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